Submitted by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2014-11-21T11:03:00Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Waldivino Gomes Firmino - 2013.pdf: 6599684 bytes, checksum: 37f3b279da630c13280cad2d05c8fca5 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2014-11-21T13:04:11Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Waldivino Gomes Firmino - 2013.pdf: 6599684 bytes, checksum: 37f3b279da630c13280cad2d05c8fca5 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-11-21T13:04:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Waldivino Gomes Firmino - 2013.pdf: 6599684 bytes, checksum: 37f3b279da630c13280cad2d05c8fca5 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-22 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG / The research program developed in Pós-Graduação Stricto sensu in Geography, Federal University of Goiás Campus Catalão. It has as the central element to understand the itinerary workers peasants of camp Olga Benário in Ipameri (GO). The research point the period to be moving of the settlers while they were living in camps organized by the Movement of Landless Rural Workers (MST), in search of land to work and live with the family. The principal methodologies used are based on bibliographic review and oral sources and in fieldwork. The camp Olga Benário is located in municipality of Ipameri (GO). It‟s compound for eighty-four families living in plots measuring thirty-two hectares each. Most of the settlers coming from the state of Goiás and they were “of there for here and from here for there” as far as the camp Olga Benário. Years living in camps. Those peasants fought for land, even though those faraway land where they lived with their families and where they were expelled someday. Those workers are set in motion as far as the camp Olga Benário. It‟s in this sense what look for deal with the trajectory research subjects the mode of traveling peasants Olga Benário lived during the long period they were in the fight. The camps are spaces living together and at the same time, instead of fighting of the seeking to redeem possible conditions the peasant with access and possession the land. The struggle of the settlers Olga Benário now it‟s to stay on land, in view of the hardness of work compounded by lack of public policies for camps. / A pesquisa desenvolvida no Programa de Pós-Graduação Stricto Sensu em Geografia pela Universidade Federal de Goiás – Campus Catalão tem como elemento central compreender o itinerário dos trabalhadores camponeses do Assentamento Olga Benário em Ipameri (GO). Procura evidenciar o período de mobilidade dos assentados enquanto estiveram vivendo em acampamentos organizados pelo Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), em busca da terra para trabalhar e viver dignamente com a família. As principais metodologias empregadas baseiam-se em revisão bibliográfica e fontes orais alcançadas em trabalho de campo. O Assentamento Olga Benário está localizado no município de Ipameri (GO), é composto por oitenta e quatro famílias que vivem em parcelas com área média de trinta e dois hectares cada. A maioria dos assentados é oriunda do estado de Goiás e estiveram de lá para cá e daqui pra li até chegarem ao Assentamento Olga Benário. Foram anos vivendo em acampamentos. Aqueles camponeses lutaram pela terra, mesmo sendo terra distante daquelas onde viviam com seus familiares e de onde foram expulsos um dia. Aqueles trabalhadores se puseram em marcha até chegar ao Assentamento Olga Benário. É nesta direção que se procura abordar e conhecer a trajetória dos sujeitos desta pesquisa. O modo itinerante que os camponeses do Olga Benário viveram durante o longo período em que estiveram na luta. Os acampamentos se constituem em espaços de vivência e, ao mesmo tempo, lugar de luta dos que buscam resgatar a condição camponesa, possível com o acesso e posse da terra. A luta dos assentados do Olga Benário agora é para permanecer na terra, tendo em vista a dureza do labor, agravada pela falta de políticas públicas adequadas para os assentamentos.

Hok-bun Ku. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1994. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [194-201]). / List of Tables --- p.i / List of Illustrations --- p.i / Abstract --- p.ii / Acknowledgement --- p.iv / Chapter Chapter One: --- Introduction --Bringing the Peasants Back In --- p.1 / Chapter I. --- Sister Ling's Story --- p.1 / Chapter II. --- Where are the Peasants --- p.3 / Chapter III. --- "Back to the Village, Search for the Peasants" --- p.8 / Chapter IV. --- Summary of the Thesis --- p.14 / Chapter Chapter Two: --- Understanding the Local Politics of Rural China --- p.16 / Chapter I. --- State-Society in Communist China --- p.17 / Chapter II. --- State and Its Agents --- p.19 / Chapter III. --- Socialist Clientelism in Rural China --- p.23 / Chapter IV. --- Everyday Forms of Resistance in Village --- p.28 / Chapter V. --- The Changing Village Politics under Deng --- p.33 / Chapter Chapter Three: --- Legacy of the Past --Ku Village under Mao --- p.40 / Chapter I. --- Setting of Ku Village --- p.42 / Chapter II. --- Reconstructing the Old Political Economy --- p.45 / Chapter III. --- Socialist Clientelism in Ku Village --- p.54 / Chapter IV. --- Conclusion --- p.70 / Chapter Chapter Four: --- The Ku Village in Transformation (I) --The Retreat of the State --- p.77 / Chapter I. --- Reconstructing the Rural Administrative Organization --- p.78 / Chapter II. --- Local Response to the Political Reform --- p.82 / Chapter III. --- Paralysis of Village Organs --- p.88 / Chapter IV. --- Conclusion --- p.98 / Chapter Chapter Five: --- The Ku Village in Transformation (II) --The Source of Peasant Power --- p.103 / Chapter I. --- The Responsibility System and Land Redistribution in Ku Village --- p.105 / Chapter II. --- Political Economy of Shatian Shaddock Plantation --- p.112 / Chapter III. --- Conclusion --- p.125 / Chapter Chapter Six: --- Everyday Forms of Struggle in the Ku Village --- p.130 / Chapter I. --- Everyday Forms of Resistance I --Defensive Action --- p.132 / Chapter II. --- Everyday Forms of Resistance I -- Offensive Action --- p.147 / Chapter III. --- Everyday Struggle of the Village Cadres --- p.156 / Chapter IV. --- Conclusion --- p.161 / Chapter Chapter Seven: --- Conclusion -- From Socialist Clientelism to Household Individualism --- p.164 / Chapter I. --- The Erosion of Patron-Client Bonds --- p.165 / Chapter II. --- Household Individualism -an Atomistic Community --- p.170 / Chapter III. --- Everyday Forms of Resistance as the Way of Peasant Life --- p.172 / Chapter IV. --- Rethinking Village Politics in Dengist China --- p.174 / Appendix A. List of Interviewees --- p.179 / Appendix B. Glossary --- p.180 / Appendix C. Note on Measures --- p.183 / Appendix D. Photos --- p.184 / Appendix E. Maps --- p.193 / Bibliography

by Ma Kei. / Thesis submitted in: June 1998. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 183-189). / Abstract also in Chinese. / Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Background and Objectives of Study --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Past Studies on the RRM and the LRM --- p.5 / Chapter 1.2.1 --- Rural Reconstruction Movements --- p.5 / Chapter 1.2.2 --- CCP Land Reform Movements --- p.8 / Chapter 1.3 --- Peasant Studies and Peasant's View of Life --- p.21 / Chapter 1.4 --- Methodology --- p.24 / Chapter 1.5 --- Outline of Chapters --- p.25 / Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK --- p.27 / Chapter 2.1 --- Peasant Culture --- p.27 / Chapter 2.2 --- The Dimension of Peasant Culture --- p.34 / Chapter 2.3 --- The Content of Peasant's View of Life --- p.38 / Chapter 2.4 --- Peasant's View of Life and Peasant's Action --- p.41 / Chapter 2.5 --- Peasants' View of Life and Peasant Collective Actions --- p.45 / Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- FROM MODERNIZATION TO MOBILIZATION --- p.55 / Chapter 3.1 --- Bankruptcy of the Peasant Society and the Corruption of the Great and Small Traditions --- p.57 / Chapter 3.2 --- Chinese Culture and Chinese Development --- p.63 / Chapter 3.3 --- The Village as a Starting Point --- p.70 / Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- HISTORICAL PROFILE OF RRM AND LRM --- p.80 / Chapter 4.1 --- Rural Reconstruction Movement --- p.80 / Chapter 4.1.1 --- Shandong Rural Reconstruction Institute --- p.82 / Chapter 4.2 --- Chinese Communist Party Revolutionary Movement --- p.88 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- Western Fujian Revolutionary Base --- p.92 / Chapter CHAPTER 5 --- CONTACT AND INTERACTION --- p.99 / Chapter 5.1 --- "Predominance of Peasants ""Image of Limited Good""" --- p.101 / Chapter 5.2 --- Breaking into the Village Community --- p.112 / Chapter 5.3 --- Utilizing Existing Peasant Community Networks --- p.113 / Chapter 5.4 --- Mobilization through the Establishment of New Forms of Peasant Organization --- p.123 / Chapter CHAPTER 6 --- INTERACTION AND TRANSFORMATION --- p.136 / Chapter 6.1 --- Induction by Material and Social Incentives --- p.138 / Chapter 6.2 --- Institutional Transformation of Peasant View of Life --- p.150 / Chapter 6.3 --- Ideological Confrontation --- p.164 / Chapter 6.4 --- Final Episode of the Transformation Process --- p.171 / Chapter CHAPTER 7 --- CONCLUSION --- p.176 / Chapter 7.1 --- Collective Action through Transformation: Change in the Peasant View --- p.176 / Chapter 7.2 --- Peasant View of Life Reconsidered --- p.180 / Chapter 7.3 --- "Rethinking ""Image of Limited Good""" --- p.181 / Chapter 7.4 --- Limitations of the Study and Directions of Future Research --- p.182 / BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.183

In this thesis the constitutional policies of the three Commoner Estates (Priests, Burghers and Peasants) of the Swedish Riksdag between the years 1660 and 1682 is examined. While many previous historians have focused on the power-struggle between the Crown and the nobility, the Commoner Estates have been presumed to be staunch supporters of absolutism. I argue that the picture is far more complex. Case-studies of a number of political negotiations that concerned the distribution of political power show that the Commoners were flexible in their constitutional policies. When they sensed they were in a strong position, they were explicit in their demand for a say in political decisions. But when they were weak, they were deferential to the government. If there is one constant in their policies it is not blind reverence to royalties: the thesis show that they could sacrifice the interests of powerless members of the royal family in favour of security and defence of Protestant faith. In comparison, the Commoners were more eager to protect the rights of their own Estates and of the Riksdag as a whole. One important feature of Commoner politics was the willingness of Priests, Burghers and Peasants to co-operate, which sometimes made them quite influential. In the thesis the relations between the Estates are examined. I also have endeavoured to examine the political institutions, the rules that governed politics in the Riksdag during the period. It is observed that the institutional structures were quite complex and unclear, which gav an advantage to well-oriented Estates like the Priests and the Nobility in comparison with the Peasants. The Priests also was the best organized Estate of the Commoners. Other factors that favoured the clergy was that they were led by politically experienced bishops; that they had common privileges that all priests were interested in defending; and that they were strengthened and united by their religious ideology.

This dissertation examines representations of the Bulgarian peasant in order to explore how nationalist, agrarian and ultimately communist governments attempted to negotiate the meaning of "modernity" in predominantly rural Bulgaria. This work is not intended as a survey of displays of folk culture in the 20th century, but instead focuses each chapter on an important person, movement or organization which best seems to articulate Bulgaria's evolving sense of itself and its place on the edge of Europe. Beginning with a background chapter on the 1878-1917 period, I trace the foundation and development of ethnographic display, representations of peasants in the interwar educational press, campaigns to improve village hygiene and culture, alpine tourism, and the ever-changing image of peasants in propaganda from the years of agrarian rule in the 1920s through the early decades of communism. My dissertation explores the contested meanings of peasant images in Bulgaria's changing political and social milieu. Bulgaria's acceptance into first Europe and later the Soviet sphere of influence was for many nation-builders predicated upon her ability to attain European and later Soviet-style modernity. However, these modernities were based upon ideas of industrialization and urbanization. In the middle of the 20th century, however, Bulgaria's economy was still overwhelmingly agricultural. This represented a problem for Bulgaria's nation builders. Confronted with these seeming contradictions, different regimes attempted to incorporate the rural population into their visions of a modern Bulgaria. The changing nature of this imagined Bulgaria can be best elucidated through images of the Bulgarian peasantry. At one moment incorporated and at another excluded, modern and backward, embraced and reviled, the imagined peasantry reveals the anxieties and aspirations of Bulgarian state builders in the 20th century. / text

This dissertation is an ethnography of resource control in the municipio of Cucurpe, Sonora, Mexico. The municipio itself covers 1,788 square kilometers of rugged, semi-arid terrain bisected by the San Miguel river and its tributaries. Less than one percent of the land is cultivated, the rest devoted to livestock raising, primarily cattle. Most Cucurpe households make their living as both ranchers and farmers. The control of land and water therefore becomes a vitally important political and economic issue. Twenty-one percent of the municipio is controlled by three peasant corporate communities--the comunidades of Cucurpe and San Javier, and the ejido 6 de Enero. The rest of the land belongs to private ranchers, many of whom are wealthy and reside outside the municipio. The dissertation focuses upon the history, structure and functions of the Cucurpe comunidad, the largest and most powerful of the three institutions, describing its role in past and present politics of resource control. Considerable economic inequality exists among Cucurpe households, not only among private ranchers and peasants, but among peasant households themselves. The range of economic inequality is ascertained, and conclusions about the relationships between inequality and the politics of resource control are drawn. It is argued that Cucurpe is composed of at least four different classes. These classes conflict and compete over two major issues: the control of grazing and arable land. Most households belonging to the corporate communities unite in opposition to private ranchers when their access to corporate rangeland is threatened. They battle each other over the status of arable land. Those with land consider it a private resource. Those without land content it belongs to the corporate communities themselves, a position supported by federal agrarian reform law. Such conflict seriously threatens the stability of these peasant organizations.

During a period corresponding to approximately 1789−1872 the Swedish system of estates was phased out. New ideas challenged the organic view of society, and through a number of political reforms the estate privileges were abolished one by one. The reforms went hand in hand with a change in the social stratification at that time. The distinct difference between peasants and gentlemen that had characterized the countryside were erased and replaced by new ways of categorising people. This development has been described in broad strokes in previous research, leaving the roles of individuals overshadowed. This thesis is about individuals who were on the border between being peasants and gentlemen, how they were viewed by the class society, and the role they played in the dissolution of the same. The focus is centred on a population of wealthy farmers around the rural areas of Västerås during the years 1780−1900, and how they were perceived and acted in terms of title, lineage, education, occupation, farm holdings, building customs, naming customs and political life. The investigation shows that the differences between peasants and gentlemen remained during the period, but that it changed in character from a difference in kind, to a difference in degree. Important reasons for this were the gentlemen’s increased interest in agriculture and the emergence of a group of very wealthy farmers. The increase of rich farmers was more prevalent in the first half of the nineteenth century. They embraced some of the gentry’s behaviour, for instance through the acquisition of mansions, but as they often held political positions that by law should be held by peasants, they also preserved their common appearance. In this way the limits for what could be considered common were moved forward, and the difference between peasants and gentlemen weakened. The gentry’s interest in agriculture increased gradually and was marked by the introduction of agricultural institutes in the mid-1800s. As the old elite increasingly devoted themselves to agriculture they used titles as ”possessionat” and ”godsägare” (landlord) to rise above the peasants. They made themselves the elite in the peasants' own field, thus opening up to being associated with rich farmers.

Orientador: Sérgio Augusto Queiroz Norte / Banca: Áureo Busetto / Banca: Ariovaldo Umbelino de Oliveira / Banca: Cléria Botêlho da Costa / Banca: Maria Stela Lemos Borges / Resumo: Esta tese analisa a terra nas práticas e representações camponesas do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST) no Pontal do Paranapanema, SP, vividas na década de 1990 e início do século XXI. Devido à diversidade de ações, delimito as primeiras experiências do Movimento: a ocupação, em 1990, da fazenda Nova Pontal, em Rosana, e as ações nas fazendas São Bento e Santa Clara, em Mirante do Paranapanema, iniciadas em 1991, derivando nos assentamentos São Bento e Che Guevara/Santa Clara. Tendo como eixo a terra, âncora a explicitar as lutas, seja para conquistá-la, seja para nela permanecer, busco, na história e na memória dos camponeses, o substrato para a composição do trabalho. As fontes orais tornaram-se fundamentais para esta empreitada, sendo conjugadas as fontes do MST, dentre outras, como jornais regionais e de circulação nacional. Para esta reflexão, fez-se necessário, de início, percorrer os caminhos do fazer-se da história no tempo presente, com o olhar para as lutas de outrora, visando apreender como os camponeses foram discutidos em parte da historiografia. Os campos do Vale do Paranapanema e do extremo-oeste trouxeram (e trazem) consigo um histórico de lutas envolvendo os indígenas, pequenos arrendatários, sitiantes, posseiros, bóias-frias ao se depararem com o domínio da terra e da gente, exercidos pela grilagem e concentração da propriedade. Porém, a esse cenário os sujeitos reagiram, quer no confronto direto, na constituição de glebas ...(Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This thesis analyses the meaning of in the practices and representations of peasants from the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terrra- MST- (Landless Peasants Movement) in the Pontal do Paranapanema, SP, in the nineties and the very beginning of XXI century. Due to the great variety of their actions, I outline the first experiences of the Movement: the occupation, in 1990, of the farm Nova Pontal, in Rosana city ant the actions in the farms São Bento and Santa Clara, in 1991 and resulted in the land-reform settlements of São Bento and Che Guevara/ Santa Clara. Having as an axle the land, as an anchor to explain the struggles, either to conquer the land, either to stay on it, I search in the history and memory of the peasants, the basis for this research. The oral sources were very important in this effort but together witch the written sources of MST, amongst others as regional and national newspapers. For this reflection, it was necessary, at first, to follow the paths of the making of history in the present time, but looking backwards in search of how the peasants were seen by part of the historiography. The fields of the Vale do Paranapanema and of the far- West of São Paulo state, have a history of struggles were the subjects were the Native Brazilians, small leaseholders, ranchers, rural workers that historically faced the rule of the land and people by a small group of landowners that concentrated the land property, But to this historical background the peasants reacted either by the direct confrontation, ...(Complete abstract, click electronic access below) / Doutor

O estudo das comunidades Jutaí-Mirim, Campo Verde e Nova Esperança localizadas no município de Concórdia do Pará permite a compreensão acerca dos caminhos da regularização fundiária no Pará. O estudo busca elucidar a diversidade de formas de regularização das terras e, se esta serve de modelo ou não para a diversidade de configuração territorial na região. Busca também compreender como a diversidade de relações entre as comunidades e outros grupos externos a elas acaba por intervir no processo de escolha dos proprietários agrícolas sobre a melhor forma de regularizar suas terras. Para a realização do estudo foram de fundamental importância diversos procedimentos, como a pesquisa de campo, desenvolvida com base na Observação do Participante, na História de Vida, entrevistas abertas/livres e semi-estruturadas, e, diversos registros fotográficos como forma de retratar as práticas sócio-territoriais das famílias. Além da pesquisa de campo foi necessário o levantamento bibliográfico e documental em diversas instituições e entidades. As comunidades Nova Esperança, Campo Verde e Jutaí -Mirim estão localizadas no município de Concórdia do Pará, estado do Pará, e desde fins da década de 1990, as famílias destas comunidades vêm vivenciando intensas discussões sobre a melhor forma de conseguir a regularização de suas posses. O resultado de longos anos de debates foi que, ao invés das três comunidades serem reconhecidas como comunidades remanescentes dos quilombos, que era a proposta inicial, duas delas optaram por escolher outros procedimentos para a regularização. Movimentos sociais, Igreja e entidades tiveram um importante papel nessas escolhas. / The study communities Jutaí-Mirim, Campo Verde and Nova Esperança in the municipality of Concórdia do Pará gives an understanding about the ways of land tenure in Para The study aims to elucidate the diversity of forms of regularization of the land and forge it or not also a diversity of territorial configuration in the region. It also seeks to understand how the different relationships between communities and other groups external to them eventually intervene in the process of choice for farmers on how best to regulate their land. To conduct the study were of fundamental importance various procedures, such as field research, developed based on Participant Observation, in the History of Life, open interviews / open and semi-structured, and as a portrayal of the socio-territorial practices of families were performed several photographs. Besides the field survey was necessary to the bibliographic and documentary in various institutions and entities. Communities Nova Esperança, Campo Verde and Jutaí- Mirim is located in the municipality of Concórdia do Pará, Pará State since the late 1990s, the families of these communities have been experiencing intense discussions about how best to achieve settlement of their possessions . The result of many years of discussion was that, instead of the three communities are recognized as remnants of Quilombo communities, which was originally proposed, two of them chose other procedures for the settlement. Social movements, church organizations and played an important role in these choices.

O protagonismo social de camponeses e indígenas na Bolívia é comumente associado à particular composição étnico-cultural da população do país vizinho. O exame do katarismo - nome herdado do índio insurgente Tupac Katari, que liderou rebelião contra os colonizadores espanhóis no final do século XVIII -, especialmente em sua fase inicial (1969 a 1985), permite uma compreensão mais ampla e complexa do processo de formação, mudança e consolidação da classe trabalhadora boliviana. Antes disso, o trabalhador era representado pela figura do operário mineiro. A partir do surgimento de corrente político-ideológica de valorização étnico-cultural nos grandes centros urbanos e do fortalecimento de novas lideranças do sindicalismo no campo (como Jenaro Flores e Raimundo Tambo), os camponeses-indígenas se consolidam, em um intervalo de aproximadamente 15 anos, como os principais atores sociais das classes populares na Bolívia e reforçam o seu papel no que se refere à organização da sociedade. Ao assumir a problematização da dialética entre os rasgos tradicionais (ou pré-modernos) e as características tipicamente modernas que compõem o movimento, são enfocados os elementos de classe, de um lado, e os antecedentes mais ligados à etnia, de outro. A obra de E. P. Thompson acerca da centralidade das classes sociais é utilizada como referência, juntamente com contribuições de outros autores como Marx, Fernandes, Stavenhagen, Wood e Sewell, para ajudar a decifrar essa combinação entre mobilizações de cunho tradicional e aspectos ligados à modernidade, com especial destaque para a opção katarista pela disputa institucional dentro da estrutura sindical. Nesse sentido, fatores subjetivos (como a teoria dos dois olhos) se imiscuem com a concretude do racismo e do paternalismo, em meio a choques e influências decorrentes da relação com outras correntes de pensamento. Além da questão territorial, também são abordadas as práticas do cotidiano como a atuação das igrejas, o futebol, a rádio e o comércio popular com significados próprios dos povos originários. A análise da formação do katarismo permite um olhar privilegiado de como as estruturais por trás da classe social moderna ideal podem se articular com costumes, tradições e valores étnico-culturais reais dentro de um complexo contexto de país subdesenvolvido. / The social prominence of peasants-indigenous people in Bolivia is trivially associated with a \"special\" ethnic and cultural composition of country\'s population. Through the analysis of katarist movement, on behalf of Tupac Katari (aymara leader who headed a mass rebellion against Spanish colonial administration in 1781), it\'s possible to stress the making of \"working class\" with all wide changes and/or continuities. Until the emergence of Katarism, workers are almost synonymous with miners. After the organization of urban groups promoting the ethnic and cultural values and cosmology and the rising of new leadership in agrarian unions (like Jenaro Flores and Raimundo Tambo) in the end of 1960\'s, the peasant-indigenous sector become a strong social and political agent, taking a crucial role for whole working class and society\'s organization, in a just few 15 years. Traditional (or pre-modern) customs and heritages coexist with modern logics and patterns in the core of katarist movement. Putting the class in central position - as E. P. Thompson does, adding contributions from Marx, Fernandes, Stavenhagen, Wood and Sewell -, this dissertation assumes the challenge of tracking this combination of traditional mobilizations and subjects around modernity. In this effort, it\'s important to point that the katarist leaders have been chosen an \"institutional\" path (within the official agrarian union schemes) to put their demands and proposals. Subjective factors (the aymara \"theory of two eyes\", one more indigenous e another more peasant, bounded in a class structure) are mixed with racism and paternalism. Notable shocks and influences come from outside the movement as well. Beyond the territorial issue, there were little parts of Katarism in everyday\'s practices involving foreign churches, soccer, radio shows and popular commerce (that curiously reveals ancient peoples beliefs in street fairs,, not just monetary and goods exchange). Katarist movement show in a sense how \"unreal\" can be the ideal and \"pure\" theories about the social class and how \"real\", different and apparently controversial elements of class and culture are acting together to change Bolivian society.