Sammanfattning Syfte och frågeställningar Undersökningen syftar till att analysera hur riksdagspartierna argumenterade kring den svenska skolan inför valet 2014. Frågeställningen för undersökningen var: Hur argumenterade partierna kring skolans styrning? Hur argumenterade partierna kring betyg och resultat? Hur argumenterade partierna kring friskolor? Hur argumenterade partierna kring lärares roll och lärarprofessionens status? Metod Det empiriska materialet bestod av 1) debattartiklar skrivna av partiledare eller språkrör samt skolpolitiska talespersoner, 2) SVT:s utfrågningar av partiledarna, 3) partiernas valprogram. Metoden som tillämpades var Arne Naess (1970) argumentationsanalys. I analysen söktes efter teser samt pro- och contra-argument till teserna. Urvalet för studiens empiriska material baserades på handplockade urval.  Resultat Undersökningen visade att Moderaterna argumenterade för ett delat ansvar för skolan mellan stat och kommun. Centerpartiet ville behålla nuvarande styrningsform. Socialdemokraterna, Sverigedemokraterna, Miljöpartiet och Folkpartiet ville att skolan skulle förstatligas. Folkpartiet argumenterade för att betyg skulle sättas från och med årskurs 6 men menade samtidigt att skriftliga omdömen ger en bättre bild av eleven. Socialdemokraterna, Centerpartiet och Folkpartiet använde PISA-undersökningar för att stärka sina argument. Kristdemokraterna var positivt inställda till friskolor. Likaså var Centerpartiet som menade att vinstutdelning för ägare av friskolor skulle vara tillåten. Socialdemokraterna och Vänsterpartiet argumenterade för ett vinstförbud. Socialdemokraterna, Folkpartiet, Miljöpartiet ville stärka lärarnas roll och status främst genom att höja lärarnas löner och genom att öka tiden för undervisning samtidigt som att minska det administrativa arbetet. Slutsats Socialdemokraterna, Folkpartiet, Sverigedemokraterna, Miljöpartiet och Vänsterpartiet drev tesen om att förstatliga skolan. Kristdemokraterna, Folkpartiet och Centerpartiet var i sina teser positiva till vinstutdelning för friskolor medan Miljöpartiet, Socialdemokraterna och Vänsterpartiet teser ställde sig negativ till vinstutdelning. Folkpartiet argumenterade för tidigare betyg. Socialdemokraterna drev tesen om att införa karriärtjänster för lärare vilket skulle leda till att lärarna snarare skulle komma längre från sitt uppdrag att undervisa. Frågorna kring skolan följde inte den traditionella höger- och vänsterskalan.  Naess (1970) argumentations analys lämpade sig mindre väl för analys av partiernas valprogram än utfrågningarna och debattartiklarna då texterna i partiernas valprogram till sin karaktär sällan var argumenterande. / Abstract Aim The aim of the study was to analyze how the parties in the Swedish parliament debated the matter of  the Swedish school prior to the 2014 election. The question for the survey was: • How did the parties debate school governance? • How did the parties debate grades and results? • How did the parties debate the question of independent schools? • How did the parties debate the role of teachers and the status of teacher profession? Method The empirical material consisted of 1) debating articles written by party leaders or school political spokesmen. 2) Swedish public service hearings with party leaders 3) party election programs. The method for analysis Arne Naess´ (1970) argumentative analysis described by Bergström och Boréus (2005) searching for thesis, pro- and contra arguments. The selection of the empirical material was made through hand picked selections. Naess´ argumentative analysis was less suited for analysing the parties ‘electoral programs than the hearings and articles, as the text, by their nature, rarely were argumentative. Results The study showed that the Moderate party argued for shared responsibility between the state and the municipalities. The Centre party, the Social democrats, the Swedish democrats, the Green party and the Liberal party argued for a nationalization. The Liberal party argued for grades starting from grade 6 at the same time as arguing for written reviews giving a more descriptive picture of the pupil. The Social democrats, The Centre party and the Liberal party used PISA surveys supporting their argument in the question of grades. The Christian democrats were in favour of independent schools. Similarly, the Centre party argued for continued legislation allowing share-out for owners of independent schools. The Social democrats and the Left party argued for banning share-outs. The Social democrats, the Liberal party, the Green party argued for strengthening teachers ‘role and status primarily by raising teacher´s and increasing the time spent teaching while decreasing administrative work. Conclusions The Social democrats, The Liberal party, the Swedish democrats, the Green party and the Left party wanted nationalize the Swedish school. The Christian democrats, the Liberal party and the Centre party were in favour of share-outs while the Social democrats, the Green party and the Left party opposed share-outs. The Liberal party argued for grading pupils at a lower age. The Social democrats argued for the introduction of career opportunities which would lead to teachers being becoming more separated from their teaching assignments. The question of the school could not be divided into left or right wing politics. Naess´ argumentative analysis was less suited for analysing the parties ‘electoral programs than the hearings and articles, as the text, by their nature, rarely were argumentative. / <p>Ämneslärarprogrammet, Specialidrott</p>

Syftet med undersökningen är att undersöka den efterföljande debatten vid riksdag och kyrko-möte med hänsyn till 1919 års undervisningsplan, som innebar att katekesen avskaffades som lärobok och timtalet för ämnet reducerades. Studien utförs med extra fokus mot den förlo-rande opinionen och undersöka den kyrkligt konservativa opinionens försök att återinföra ka-tekesundervisningen För att besvara syftet har följande frågeställningar formulerats; • Vilka argument kopplade till kristendomsämnet användes vid debatterna i riksdagen och vid kyrkomötena under 1920-talet? Hur ville man att ämnet skulle se ut med bak-grund av 1919 års undervisningsplan? • Vilka argument användes vid försvar av katekesundervisningen? • Vilka argument användes mot katekesundervisningen?   Undersökningen behandlar 1920-talets debatt vid riksdagen och kyrkomötet kring kristen-domsämnet och materialet som ligger till grund för undersökning har bestått av protokoll från riksdag och kyrkomötet. Undersökningen har en ambition att med extra fokus studera den för-lorande opinionens försök att återinföra katekesundervisningen i folkskolan. I analysen före-kommer de argument som jag hittat i undersökningen, dessa argument analyseras utifrån en konfrontationsmodell som är en form av argumentationsanalys. De tydligaste argumenten som framkom var av pedagogisk karaktär. Detta följdes av religiösa argument kopplade till kris-tendomsämnet. Även argument kopplade till moral och fostran förekom framförallt från opin-ionen som försvarade katekesen, det förekom även demokratiska och geografiska argument kopplade till Luthers lilla katekes och dess koppling till kristendomsämnet. I diskussionen diskuteras argumenten utifrån två opinioner i form av de katekesvänliga och motståndarna till katekesen där dessa opinioners argument lyfts fram och diskuteras utifrån vilken utformning av kristendomsämnet de ville ha. I diskussionen görs även en didaktisk re-flektion I den didaktiska reflektionen appliceras de didaktiska frågorna och redogör för hur opinionerna önskade att utforma kristendomsämnet utifrån de argument som framkommit.

The historical study of Swedish antisemitism in the first decades of the twentieth century, initially became a focal point in the 1990s. Since then, research has, for example, been done on the organized political antisemitism and on antisemitic attitudes that prevailed unreflected in the public discourse. 1937 the Swedish parliament passed a bill that mandated mandatory stunning before slaughter, which in turn outlawed the Jewish slaughter method shechita. If and how, the debate was informed or based upon antisemitic believes has been disputed in previous research. The purpose of this essay is therefore, to investigate how the debate preceding the law of mandatory stunning can be understood. The essays theoretical approach is based on Kenneth L. Marcus further development of Helein Feins definition of antisemitism and on Artur Sandauers notion of allosemitism. The philosopher Slavoj Žižek’s theoretical edifice of the Real, is used as an overarching metatheory in the essay. The essay’s findings are that the different opinions on the issue cannot be placed according to ideological- or party lines. Biased opinions were put forth in the debate that pointed out the jews as strange and inferior vis-à-vis the Swedes, which I understand as allosemitic. Shechita inhabited a central role in the debate and was put under more scrutiny than the other questioned slaughter methods. Based upon Lars M. Andersson I suggest that the distinguishing of shechita from “Swedish” slaughter methods was an integral part in the creation of the modern national identity. The obliged stunning before slaughter became part of the Swedish animal friendliness, which in turn was seen as evidence of Sweden’s high-ranking cultural level. A relationship that still today is represented, in the nationalistic discourse.

In this thesis the constitutional policies of the three Commoner Estates (Priests, Burghers and Peasants) of the Swedish Riksdag between the years 1660 and 1682 is examined. While many previous historians have focused on the power-struggle between the Crown and the nobility, the Commoner Estates have been presumed to be staunch supporters of absolutism. I argue that the picture is far more complex. Case-studies of a number of political negotiations that concerned the distribution of political power show that the Commoners were flexible in their constitutional policies. When they sensed they were in a strong position, they were explicit in their demand for a say in political decisions. But when they were weak, they were deferential to the government. If there is one constant in their policies it is not blind reverence to royalties: the thesis show that they could sacrifice the interests of powerless members of the royal family in favour of security and defence of Protestant faith. In comparison, the Commoners were more eager to protect the rights of their own Estates and of the Riksdag as a whole. One important feature of Commoner politics was the willingness of Priests, Burghers and Peasants to co-operate, which sometimes made them quite influential. In the thesis the relations between the Estates are examined. I also have endeavoured to examine the political institutions, the rules that governed politics in the Riksdag during the period. It is observed that the institutional structures were quite complex and unclear, which gav an advantage to well-oriented Estates like the Priests and the Nobility in comparison with the Peasants. The Priests also was the best organized Estate of the Commoners. Other factors that favoured the clergy was that they were led by politically experienced bishops; that they had common privileges that all priests were interested in defending; and that they were strengthened and united by their religious ideology.

The purpose with this essay is to examine the hypothesis that states during crisis acts more influences by realism than liberalism. The essay will focus on the ongoing refugee crisis in Sweden and mainly on the insertion of ID-controls and how politicians motivate there decision. The arguments will be analyzed if they are motivated by realism or liberalism. The arguments that are positive for an insertion of ID-controls are motived by realism and therefore support the hypothesis. The objections raised by the opposition are often motived by liberalism but even the opposition is arguing the realism is superior to the liberalism. When the question is raised in the Swedish parliament there are no party that refuse the law instead most of the politicians are positive to the law of ID-controls, in the debate there are a few objections but these are not against the law, just minor interpretations about the effects of this law, for example if the ID-controls should apply to children accompanied by their parents. After this studied the conclusion is that stats in crisis are often motived by realism

The aim of this bachelor thesis is to examine what Swedish parliamentarians thinks about the library as an institution. To achieve this aim we use discourse analysis. By analyzing parliament motions from four decades we found nine discourses that represents a wide variety of thoughts and opinions of what the library is, what it should contain and what it should provide. The discourses that we identified are: the culture discourse, the multi-cultural discourse, the reading discourse, the technical discourse, the information discourse, the democratic discourse, the book discourse, the quality discourse and the learning discourse. These discourses can furthermore be divided in three branches that expresses continuous thoughts about the library. Those are that the library is for everyone, that the library is a carrier of something and that the library is an intermediary of something. The opinions differ between the left wing and the right wing as well as between the individual parties. The changes that can be seen over time is mostly due to the societal and technology development.

The purpose of this paper is to chart the relationship between supplicants and the Knightship and the nobility (K.a.N) during the age of freedom and the identities created in these meetings. The result of this study is based on the parliamentary protocols of 1731, 1746-1757 and 1771-1772. To answer the purpose of this study, three questions have been constructed. First, who were the supplicants and the supplications? Supplicants came from all over Sweden and its provinces. It was mainly nobleman who spoke to K.a.N, but also women, farmers, bourgeois, craftsmen, theologians, academics, officials and cultural workers. The supplications, could be performed by a single supplicant or a larger group, both for personal reasons or for someone else's. The supplications could both, written down short and concise or long and nuanced. Service, economy, benefit, legal goals and permissions are the five different types of supplications that have been categorized. There is a change in the content of supplications over time, which was due to changes in external frameworks such as laws and taxes. Secondly, what strategies and identities were used by the supplicant to try to influence the outcome of the supplication? In total, sixteen different strategies and identities have been indetified. The legal right, Employment, Succession, For king and country, Suffering, Gods will, By the nature, Like so many before, Honors and status, Encouragement, Flattering, The family, Health and mind, Loss, Modesty, and Poverty. Thirdly, how did the K.a.N motivate their decisions? Of the total 182 supplications 147 were appeals. In 1731 a practice was developed where widows were granted half of the amount they sought. In total there were 12 supplications that did not get a decision or were left resting and nine supplications were rejected. The supplications that were rejected were mainly requests regarding succession and recommendations. It has shown that the supplication could create reproach for the K.a.N, partly by showing decisions later regarded as incorrect. Supplications about recommendations often raised discussions within the K.a.N and many advocated that they should not interfere with private matters. K.a.N did not treat the supplications with consistency - but with what was considered appropriate for the individual, even if it was against the law/practice. It was also found that the supplicant's identity was fortified by K.a.N or created, in order to justify approvals. The approval could be written even more nuanced and flattering by K.a.N than the supplication itself.

The long-spun Brexit process has been named a symbol of an alleged disconnection between the European Union’s high-level decision-makers and its citizens. This thesis aims to contribute to the existing literature on the role of national parliaments in brining EU affairs closer to the citizens. More specifically, it turns attention to the Riksdag, and to how informative parliamentary debates on EU affairs are communicated to Swedish citizens. Earlier studies have provided valuable insights into how political opinions on EU affairs are presented in electoral manifestoes and behind closed doors in the Riksdag’s committees. By conducting a quantitative content analysis on Swedish news medias’ coverage of the Riksdag’s debate on EU-affairs over the last ten years, this study offers a first insight into how EU debates are conveyed to the wider Swedish audience. Drawing on previous research on national parliaments, the concept of opposition and theories from the field of political communication, three hypotheses are formulated. While the first hypothesis aims to test whether Swedish news media provide citizens a diverse set of positions from the Riksdag’s debate on EU affairs, the second hypothesis seeks to illuminate which parliamentary actors that are most prominent in medias’ reporting from the Riksdag. Finally, the third hypothesis turns attention to the mode in which EU affairs are presented in news media. None of the hypotheses are unambiguously supported by evidence. The implications are that the media to some extent filter the parliamentary debate. A filter that at occasions may exclude diverging positions on EU affairs. Further, though governments are presented as the main actor in the majority of all analysed articles, the Riksdag is close behind. The result implies that the Riksdag is indeed competing with the government in being the main agenda setter in Swedish news media. Nevertheless, it also suggests that oftentimes, the Riksdag is referred to as one unit, without news media distinguishing the diverging positions within the institution. Finally, the finding from the third hypothesis suggests that the Riksdag is somewhat restricted when it comes to shaping the discourse surrounding EU affairs. In spite of the Riksdag’s increased focus on policy-aspects of EU affairs, the mediated image of the very same debate may still be presented as a concern of polity or procedure. Ultimately, despite not providing any clear support for the hypotheses, the somewhat filtered mediated image of the Riksdag’s debate on EU affairs may carry implications for national parliaments’ ability to bring EU affairs closer to the citizens of the Union.

Syftet med uppsatsen är att studera olika residualfördelningar i samband med skapande av modeller föratt predicera valresultat till Sveriges riksdag. Modellerna inkluderar olika typer av t-fördelningar,gammafördelningen samt normalfördelningen som används som referensmodell från en tidigare studie.Strukturella regressionsmodeller och opinionsundersökningar är viktiga hörnstenar för att besvarastudiens frågeställningar. Metoder kopplade till bayesiansk statistik används kontinuerligt genomstudien där dragningar från aposteriorifördelningen liksom den prediktiva fördelningen genereras medhjälp av Markov chain Monte Carlo. För att utvärdera de framtagna modellerna används RMSE,prediktionsintervall, PIT-värden samt ELPD, där särskild vikt läggs vid värdet på ELPD. Resultatetdemonstrerar att den trunkerade t-fördelningen samt den icke-centrerade t-fördelningen generellt gerbäst resultat. För vissa partier, såsom Vänsterpartiet, visar sig dock andra fördelningar vara bättrelämpade vilket kan bero på dessa partiers storlek. Vidare väljs modellerna med icke-centrerad t-fördelning samt trunkerad t-fördelning ut för enjämförelse med de två referensmodellerna vid prediktion för valet 2018. Modell 5 väljs ut som den bästlämpade modellen för valprediktion i en svensk kontext och den prediktiva fördelningen för respektiveparti och valår 2018 illustreras. Slutligen skattas och tolkas parametrarna β och υ för modellen.Resultatet visar att lämpligheten för olika fördelningar varierar mellan partierna, men att en t-fördelninggenerellt ger ett bättre resultat, vad gäller valprediktionens träffsäkerhet, än normalfördelningen.Resultatet blir bättre när det skapas en trunkerad t-fördelning vid 0 vilket stoppar möjligheten förnegativa dragningar av valresultat, något som normalfördelningen och t-fördelningen ej åstadkommer.

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