The historical study of Swedish antisemitism in the first decades of the twentieth century, initially became a focal point in the 1990s. Since then, research has, for example, been done on the organized political antisemitism and on antisemitic attitudes that prevailed unreflected in the public discourse. 1937 the Swedish parliament passed a bill that mandated mandatory stunning before slaughter, which in turn outlawed the Jewish slaughter method shechita. If and how, the debate was informed or based upon antisemitic believes has been disputed in previous research. The purpose of this essay is therefore, to investigate how the debate preceding the law of mandatory stunning can be understood. The essays theoretical approach is based on Kenneth L. Marcus further development of Helein Feins definition of antisemitism and on Artur Sandauers notion of allosemitism. The philosopher Slavoj Žižek’s theoretical edifice of the Real, is used as an overarching metatheory in the essay. The essay’s findings are that the different opinions on the issue cannot be placed according to ideological- or party lines. Biased opinions were put forth in the debate that pointed out the jews as strange and inferior vis-à-vis the Swedes, which I understand as allosemitic. Shechita inhabited a central role in the debate and was put under more scrutiny than the other questioned slaughter methods. Based upon Lars M. Andersson I suggest that the distinguishing of shechita from “Swedish” slaughter methods was an integral part in the creation of the modern national identity. The obliged stunning before slaughter became part of the Swedish animal friendliness, which in turn was seen as evidence of Sweden’s high-ranking cultural level. A relationship that still today is represented, in the nationalistic discourse.

The purpose with this essay is to examine the hypothesis that states during crisis acts more influences by realism than liberalism. The essay will focus on the ongoing refugee crisis in Sweden and mainly on the insertion of ID-controls and how politicians motivate there decision. The arguments will be analyzed if they are motivated by realism or liberalism. The arguments that are positive for an insertion of ID-controls are motived by realism and therefore support the hypothesis. The objections raised by the opposition are often motived by liberalism but even the opposition is arguing the realism is superior to the liberalism. When the question is raised in the Swedish parliament there are no party that refuse the law instead most of the politicians are positive to the law of ID-controls, in the debate there are a few objections but these are not against the law, just minor interpretations about the effects of this law, for example if the ID-controls should apply to children accompanied by their parents. After this studied the conclusion is that stats in crisis are often motived by realism

The aim of this bachelor thesis is to examine what Swedish parliamentarians thinks about the library as an institution. To achieve this aim we use discourse analysis. By analyzing parliament motions from four decades we found nine discourses that represents a wide variety of thoughts and opinions of what the library is, what it should contain and what it should provide. The discourses that we identified are: the culture discourse, the multi-cultural discourse, the reading discourse, the technical discourse, the information discourse, the democratic discourse, the book discourse, the quality discourse and the learning discourse. These discourses can furthermore be divided in three branches that expresses continuous thoughts about the library. Those are that the library is for everyone, that the library is a carrier of something and that the library is an intermediary of something. The opinions differ between the left wing and the right wing as well as between the individual parties. The changes that can be seen over time is mostly due to the societal and technology development.

Syftet med uppsatsen är att studera olika residualfördelningar i samband med skapande av modeller föratt predicera valresultat till Sveriges riksdag. Modellerna inkluderar olika typer av t-fördelningar,gammafördelningen samt normalfördelningen som används som referensmodell från en tidigare studie.Strukturella regressionsmodeller och opinionsundersökningar är viktiga hörnstenar för att besvarastudiens frågeställningar. Metoder kopplade till bayesiansk statistik används kontinuerligt genomstudien där dragningar från aposteriorifördelningen liksom den prediktiva fördelningen genereras medhjälp av Markov chain Monte Carlo. För att utvärdera de framtagna modellerna används RMSE,prediktionsintervall, PIT-värden samt ELPD, där särskild vikt läggs vid värdet på ELPD. Resultatetdemonstrerar att den trunkerade t-fördelningen samt den icke-centrerade t-fördelningen generellt gerbäst resultat. För vissa partier, såsom Vänsterpartiet, visar sig dock andra fördelningar vara bättrelämpade vilket kan bero på dessa partiers storlek. Vidare väljs modellerna med icke-centrerad t-fördelning samt trunkerad t-fördelning ut för enjämförelse med de två referensmodellerna vid prediktion för valet 2018. Modell 5 väljs ut som den bästlämpade modellen för valprediktion i en svensk kontext och den prediktiva fördelningen för respektiveparti och valår 2018 illustreras. Slutligen skattas och tolkas parametrarna β och υ för modellen.Resultatet visar att lämpligheten för olika fördelningar varierar mellan partierna, men att en t-fördelninggenerellt ger ett bättre resultat, vad gäller valprediktionens träffsäkerhet, än normalfördelningen.Resultatet blir bättre när det skapas en trunkerad t-fördelning vid 0 vilket stoppar möjligheten förnegativa dragningar av valresultat, något som normalfördelningen och t-fördelningen ej åstadkommer.

Title: Lobbying in the Swedish parliament - a qualitative study about experiences and attitudes of lobbying among the members of the Swedish parliament, from a communication perspective. Author: Bodil Hassel and Kristofer Persson Tutor: Emma Svensson Purpose: The purpose of this thesis is to study lobbying towards members of the Swedish parliament. We aim to study their point of view: what experiences and attitudes they have towards the phenomenon. Key questions to be answered are: What experiences and attitudes do the members of the Swedish parliamentary Committee on Environment and Agriculture have towards lobbying? What skills does a successful lobbyist possess, according to the members of the committee? How do the organizations Skogsindustrierna and Naturskyddsföreningen lobby? Method/Material: The material used in this study consists of interviews with nine respondents of the Committee on Environment and Agriculture in the Swedish parliament. Additionally, two informant interviews with the organizations Skogsindustrierna and Naturskyddsföreningen were made. The questions for the interviews were based on a theoretical framework based on policies of lobbying. Main results: The main results demonstrate that all members of the Committee on Environment and Agriculture have a positive attitude towards lobbying. The results further show that a professional lobbyist of choice by the members of parliament is a three-stage rocket consisting of 1) proper preparation, 2) the right way to make contact, and 3) maintenance of the relation. Number of pages: 62 Course: Media and Communication studies C University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala University Period: Fall 2013

Riksdagen beskrivs ibland som Sveriges demokratiska och politiska hjärta. Alla medborgare ska kunna delta i den demokratiska diskussionen. Personer med hörselnedsättning och dövhet fick denna rättighet år 2000. Denna studie har undersökt teckenspråkstolkningen av en partiledardebatt i Sverigesriksdag. Fokus i studien har varit teckenspråkstolkars så kallade copingstrategier, dvs. språkliga och tolktekniska strategier i tolkningen som används för att säkerställa tolkningens kvalitet. Studien utgår från en kvalitativ, diskursanalytisk ansats. Materialet består av en tre timmar och 35 minuter lång filmad partiledardebatt samt en semistrukturerad intervju med en teckenspråkstolk med lång erfarenhet från tolkning i riksdagen. I materialet har sju olika copingstrategier identifierats: processtid, bokstavering, adekvata utelämningar, adekvata tillägg, samarbete med teamtolken, parafrasering och konstruerat agerande. Förhoppningen är att genom systematisk beskrivning och analys synliggöra teckenspråkstolkning som profession, och hur denna i sin tur bidrar till tillgänglighet och inkludering i den svenska demokratin. / Sometimes the Swedish Parliament is described as the heart of the Swedish democracy and politics. Every Swedish citizen has the right to participate in the political discussion. People with a disabled hearing and deaf people got this right in 2000. This essay has examined the sign language interpretation of a party leader debate in the Swedish Parliament. The main focus of this essay has been the sign language interpreters’ usage of coping strategies, in other words, techniques of interpretation and linguistic strategies, which secure the quality of the interpretation. The study is based on a discourse analytical perspective with a qualitative approach. The results are based on a three hours and 35 minutes lasting, video-recorded debate between the leaders of the different parties of the Swedish Parliament, and on a semi-structured interview with a sign language interpreter with a long experience as an interpreter in the Swedish Parliament. Seven different coping strategies could be identified and analyzed: lag time, spelling, adequate omissions, adequate additions, cooperation with the team interpreter, paraphrasing, constructed acting. Hopefully, this systematic description and analysis can help to spread some light on the profession of sign language interpretation, and how it contributes to accessibility and inclusion into the Swedish democracy.

The consequences due to sea level rise are many, and will affect the environment and societies all around the world. There is uncertainty about how much and how quickly the sea will rise. Despite the uncertainties, society must be adapted to a changing climate. The climate change adaptation work is relatively new in Sweden, and there are still uncertainties about how this work should be carried out, and by whom. This thesis examines to what degree the Swedish parliament parties’ view on how to plan and adapt to sea level rise differ. The study is based on interviews with representatives from a majority of the political parties in the Swedish parliament. The results show that the interviewed representatives all agree that climate change and sea level rise are important issues to work with. The result also shows that the different parties have managed to agree on what they want to achieve, but not how or when it is best to implement adaptation measures towards sea level rise and other climate change-related effects. / Konsekvenserna av havsnivåhöjningar är många och kommer att påverka miljön och samhällen över hela jorden. Det råder osäkerheter om hur mycket och hur snabbt haven kommer höjas. Trots osäkerheterna så måste samhället anpassas till ett förändrat klimat. Klimatanpassningsarbetet är relativt nytt i Sverige och det råder fortfarande oklarheter om hur detta ska genomföras och av vem.   Uppsatsen undersöker i vilken utsträckning de svenska riksdagspartiernas åsikter angående planeringen och anpassningar till havsnivåhöjningen skiljer sig. Studien bygger på intervjuer med representanter från en majoritet av de politiska partierna i riksdagen. Resultaten visar på att de intervjuade representanterna alla håller med om att klimatanpassning är viktigt att arbeta med. Resultaten visar även på att de olika partierna har lyckats enas om vad man vill uppnå, men dock inte på vilket sätt man ska gå till väga eller när det är bäst att implementera åtgärder mot havsnivåhöjning och andra klimatförändringsrelaterade effekter.

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This study investigates differences among Swedish members of parliament in approaches to public sector relocations. Both differences between the political parties as well as differences between the constituencies the members are representing are being studied. Previous research shows a wide variety of arguments and approaches to relocations in different European countries. Although, a similar study has not been done on neither individual members of parliament nor in a Swedish context before. Building on previous research, a quantitative content analysis is used to study frequency and types of argumentations in parliamentary motions from the years 2000 to 2020.  The study shows that the Social Democrats and the Centre Party have to the highest degree argumented for public sector relocations in the Swedish parliament. The most used argument in total is regional economic growth, but differences in other types of argumentations can be found between the parties. The study also shows that legislators representing constituencies outside Sweden’s three largest cities to a much higher degree have submitted motions in favor for further relocations. These constituencies primarily argue for service and accessibility, while the larger constituencies have a more tax efficiency-approach.

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