Alternatives to unconditional sentence of imprisonment Abstract This Master's thesis deals with the topic of alternatives to unconditional sentence of imprisonment whose purpose is to eliminate negative consequences associated with imprisonment. The thesis consists of an introduction, nine chapters and a conclusion. The first chapter is dedicated to punishment itself as a term, its purpose and functions and its elementary principles. The second one deals with penal system, sentencing and hierarchy of penalties as well as history of this topic and even an evolution of imprisonment. Furthermore, this chapter gives an insight into the penal policy, its development and individual elements which has an impact on its adjustment and functioning. These chapters are cornerstone for the rest of the thesis. The aim of the fourth chapter is the evaluation of all negative impacts of unconditional sentence of imprisonment on both the prisoners and society. It also evaluates significant economic consequences. The fifth chapter is centered on definition of both substantive and procedural alternative measures and activities of the Probation and Mediation Service which are crucial to alternative sentences enforcement. The sixth chapter is devoted to a complex analysis of essence of alternative measures also focuses on their...

Intresset för föreliggande uppsatsarbete har varit att analysera synen på unga lagöverträdare som döms till frihetsberövande påföljder. Avstamp har gjorts i propositionen som 1998 föreslog att sluten ungdomsvård skulle införas i påföljdssystemet i en ambition att undvika fängelsestraff för unga (Prop. 1997/98:96) samt i betänkandet som 2023 föreslår att unga lagöverträdare återigen ska verkställa fängelsestraff (SOU 2023:44). Utifrån en diskursanalytisk ansats var syftet att synliggöra hur påföljdssystemet för unga framställs som ett ’problem’, hur dessa problemrepresentationer motiverar respektive förslag om frihetsberövande påföljd samt hur det kan förstås i ljuset av en ’straffande vändning’. Resultatet visar att påföljdssystemet i propositionen framställs som ett rättssäkerhetsproblem där en framträdande juridisk diskurs har ökat såväl samhällets rättsmedvetande som det enskilda barnets rättsstatus. I betänkandet framställs påföljdssystemet i stället som ett trygghetsproblem, baserat på en alarmistisk bild av ökad och grövre brottslighet bland unga vilka samhället behöver skyddas från. En utveckling har skett från att unga lagöverträdare betraktas vara i fara, offer för en social utsatthet, till att de betraktas som farliga barn som skapar otrygghet i samhället. Det är den senaste kategorin av ‘farliga barn’ som betänkandets förslag vilar på. Ett förslag som förväntas bidra till ökade samhällsklyftor och ökad stigmatisering av en redan utsatt grupp unga lagöverträdare. Ett förslag som också får direkta konsekvenser, i huvudsak för de barn som underrepresenteras i betänkandet: De barn som är flickor, och de barn som är i särskilt behov av stöd, vård och behandling. / The interest in the present study has been to analyze the way juvenile offenders, who are sentenced to a custodial sanction, are portrayed. The study draws from the proposition that 1998 suggested the new sanction of youth custody in an aspiration to replace prison for juvenile offenders (Prop. 1997/98:96) and in the deliberation that 2023 suggested that juvenile offenders once again should be sentenced to prison (SOU 2023:44). Drawing from a discourse analysis, this study aims to uncover the way the youth penal system is produced as a ‘problem’, how this problem representation justifies the different suggestions about custodial sanctions and how it could be understood in the light of a ‘punitive turn’. The results show that the penal system in the first document is produced as a problem regarding penal certainty, whereas a prominent juridical discourse has raised a general legal awareness as well as the legal status for the individual child. In the second document the penal policy is produced as a problem regarding public safety, based on the view of an increased and rougher crime scene among youngsters whom society needs to be protected from. A development can be identified from where juvenile offenders are portrayed as being in danger, victims of social circumstances, to that they are portrayed as dangerous kids that constitutes a threat to the society. It is the latter category of ‘dangerous kids’ that the suggestions in the second document lays upon. Suggestions that are expected to contribute to increased stigmatization of an already exposed group of juvenile offenders. Suggestions that also have direct consequences, especially for those who are underrepresented in the second document: Kids who are girls, and kids who need care, treatment, and protection.

The thesis constitutes a detailed historical reconstruction of the creation, contestation and subsequent amendment of the Imprisonment for Public Protection sentence, the principal ‘dangerous offender’ measure of the Criminal Justice Act 2003. Underpinned by an interpretive political analysis of penal politics, the thesis draws on a detailed analysis of relevant documents and 53 interviews with national level, policy-oriented actors. The thesis explores how actors’ conceptions of ‘risk’ and ‘the public’ interwove with the political beliefs and political traditions relied upon by the relevant actors. It is argued that while there was general recognition of a ‘real problem’ existing in relation to dangerous offenders, the central actors in the creation of the IPP sentence crucially lacked a detailed understanding of the state of the art of risk assessment and management (Kemshall, 2003) and failed to appreciate the systemic risks posed by the IPP sentence. The creation of the IPP sentence, as with its subsequent amendment, is argued to highlight the extreme vulnerability felt by many government actors. The efforts of interest groups and other pressure participants to have their concerns addressed regarding the systemic and human damage subsequently caused by the under-resourcing of the IPP sentence is explored, and the challenge of stridently arguing for substantial change while maintaining ‘insider’ status is discussed. As regards senior courts’ efforts to rein in the IPP sentence, it is argued that the increasingly conservative nature of the judgments demonstrate that the judiciary are not immune from the creep of a ‘precautionary logic’ into British penal politics. Regarding the amendment of the IPP sentence, the Ministry of Justice’s navigation between the twin dangers of a systemic crisis and a political crisis are explored. In conclusion, the IPP story is argued to demonstrate a troubling ‘thoughtlessness’ by many of the key policymakers, revealing what is termed the ‘banality of punitiveness.’ The potential for a reliance on political beliefs and traditions to slip into this thoughtless state, and possible ways of ensuring that such policy issues are engaged with in a more inclusive and expansive manner, are discussed.

Face aux préjudices irréparables engendrés par les crimes internationaux, le droit international, hormis les cas de poursuites devant la CPI et la pratique des commissions et fonds d'indemnisation des N.U, fait ponce-Pilate au droit interne pour la mise en oeuvre du droit à réparation des victimes de ces crimes. Une hypocrisie qui s'affirme notamment à travers des pratiques d'assistance humanitaire. Le droit interne des Etats quant à lui, fait un recours systématique à son système classique pour la mise en oeuvre de ce droit. Cet attrait pour le système classique tranche pourtant avec les facteurs matériels du droit en cette matière où le contexte des crimes, l'ampleur des préjudices, la vastitude des victimes et les fluctuations de la qualité des auteurs l'ont presque plongé dans la désuétude. C'est ce qui a fait émerger la quête d'un paradigme d'efficacité dont l'expérience de la justice transitionnelle et de la justice réparatrice constituent « l'essai ». La discussion sur l'efficacité des résultats de cet essai conduit l'observateur averti à la conclusion qu'il y a encore du chemin. Pour la RDC, contre l'aporie du droit classique face aux souffrances des victimes des crimes internationaux, cette étude propose la construction d'une politique criminelle basée sur une approche holistique de la réparation. L'approche holistique impliquant, ici, une réaction globaliste face aux préjudices subis par les victimes des crimes internationaux. Préjudices multiformes pour lesquels les réponses en termes de réparation doivent relever d'une appréhension globale du droit, reposant sur l'interdisciplinarité et l'ouverture à la « technologie sociale ». / Faced with the irreparable prejudices arising from international crimes, except for the cases being prosecuted at the ICC and the processes of various Commissions and reparations funds of the UN, international law has been pontius-pilating when it comes implementing under domestic laws the rights of victims to reparations. This hypocrisy is particularly highlighted by the use of humanitarian aid. Domestic laws have systematically resorted to traditional practices to implement this right. This inclination towards traditional approaches is indeed at variance with the material elements of the law on reparations in as much as the context of the crimes, the scope of the damage, the vast number of victims and fluctuations in the types of perpetrators have simply made the traditional systems obsolete. Whence the quest for an efficiency paradigm hinged on «attempts» within transitional justice and reparations justice. Analyses of these attempts by experts reveal that a lot still has to be done. In the case of the DRC, and mindful of the shortcomings of the traditional legal system in mitigating the suffering of victims of international crimes, this study proposes a holistic approach to the development of a criminal reparations policy. This holistic approach requires a global response to the damage suffered by victims of international crimes. The reparations response to these multidimensional prejudices must reflect a global understanding of the law based on interdisciplinary and «social technology» considerations.

La justice pénale constitue, à partir du règne de Saint Louis, une part importante de l’activité de la Cour du roi. En effet, tandis que se développe, notamment grâce à son intervention, un véritable « État de droit » dès le milieu du XIIIe siècle, le nombre d’affaires pénales portées devant elle ne cesse de s’accroître, et leur résolution constitue bientôt un domaine où s’élabore une politique judiciaire spécifique dont il y a lieu de déterminer les objectifs, les moyens et les résultats. Les décisions prises par ce qui devient le « Parlement » tendent à s’inscrire dans le prolongement des idées du temps sur le devoir incombant à la royauté de punir les infractions et de maintenir la paix, tout en révélant une confrontation régulière des juges aux difficultés inhérentes au caractère composite de l’organisation judiciaire et à l’enchevêtrement des coutumes, privilèges et autres droits propres. L’application d’une justice conforme aux idéaux de la royauté passe de manière nécessaire et préalable par la fixation d’un cadre judiciaire et juridique respectueux des droits acquis, mais également porteur d’obligations pour les juges pénaux du royaume. La cour souveraine les contraint ainsi au respect d’un certain nombre de principes, hérités pour partie de ceux qu’elle-même définit comme les fondements du procès pénal dans le cadre de son propre « style » naissant. La manière de résoudre le trouble provoqué par l’acte délictueux devient donc essentielle : après en avoir défini les éléments nécessaires à l’imputation d’une faute punissable, la cour applique et fait appliquer des peines toujours minutieusement « arbitrées » selon l’importance du dommage et l’intention coupable manifestée. La poursuite des crimes, le règlement de juges, la résolution des litiges entre juges et justiciables, sont autant de lieux privilégiés de la défense de la « chose publique », la cour s’assurant par là que les « crimes ne demeureront pas impunis », même si la part de la miséricorde demeure toujours réservée : ils seront traités par voie de droit, c’est-à-dire selon un droit pénal royal conforme à « ce que recommande la justice / As early as the reign of St. Louis, criminal justice represents a major part of the work of the Court of the King. Indeed, from the middle of the thirteenth century, while a true “State of law” is being developed, especially through its daily activities, the number of criminal cases risen before it increases steadily. Their settlement becomes soon an area where a specific judicial policy is adopted, of which it is necessary to determine the objectives, the means and the outcome. The judicial decisions taken by what is becoming the “Parliament”, tend to fall in line with the ideas of that time about the duties of the monarchy concerning the punishment of offenses and the maintaining of peace, while revealing that the judges are confronted on a regular basis to the difficulties posed by the composite character of the judiciary, and the entanglement of customs, privileges and personal laws. Applying justice consistently with the ideals of the monarchy makes it a necessity and a prerequisit to set a judicial and legal framework, respectful for acquired rights, but also binding for criminal judges of the kingdom. The sovereign court forces them to respect a number of principles, partly inherited from those it itself defines, in its own developing procedure, as the fundamentals of the criminal trial. The way to solve the disorder caused by the criminal act becomes essential: after defining the elements necessary for the attribution of a punishable offense, the court applies and enforces penalties that are always meticulously “arbitrated” accordingly to the damage and to the guilt. Thus, the prosecution of crimes, the settlement between judges in criminal matters, or between the judges and private persons are all privileged areas for the defense of “public good”: through those, the court makes sure that “crimes do not go unpunished”, even if room is always left for mercy, and will be dealt with through law, that is through a royal criminal law in accordance with “what justice recommends”.

The aim of this diploma thesis is to describe and explain the main features of implementation practice of house arresting in the Czech Republic and consequently propose possible ways out in relation to subsequent (and successful) continuing of implementation procedure. In terms of theory there are reflected approaches of criminal law, criminology, penology, sociology and public policy. Within the research work, the space had been given to those participants immediately concerned and affected with house arresting agenda - judges, prosecutors, probators, ministry officers (Ministry of Justice), attorneys, watchdog organizations and experts on criminal law from academic sphere. House arresting had entered valid legal regulations in connection with new criminal law effectual since 1.1.2010. This new regulation substituted the pristine penal code. In new criminal law is significant shift of accent from tangible to formal conception of culpability. By the analysis of key participants of objective policy, identification of possible goals, adumbration of solution options is finally formulated optimal version. In terms of this version are reflected possibilities of evaluation and monitoring. Special attention is payed to identification of crucial risks and problems related to implementation practice, which...