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O peronismo : um fenômeno argentino, uma interpretação da política econômica argentina : 1946-1955Haines, Andrés Ernesto Ferrari January 2008 (has links)
É comum conceber o peronismo como a experiência argentina de um fenômeno amplo de processos de industrialização, em geral em países com economias baseadas no setor primário, habitualmente denominado populismo. Sem entrar diretamente nesses debates, afirma-se neste trabalho que para compreender o peronismo é necessário explicitar questões muito concretas que compõem a história argentina, que podem ou não se repetir em outras sociedades. Especificamente, se afirma que não é possível entender o peronismo a partir de um impulso industrializador – sem por isto negar-lhe aspectos nesse sentido – dado que este processo já estava em curso, e devido ao fato de não se observar que esse setor tenha experimentado um desenvolvimento fora da tendência longo prazo da manufatura. Em contrapartida, o peronismo apresenta outras características peculiares da sociedade argentina, como o conflito que já tinha surgido em pleno auge do modelo agroexportador pela disputa social de participação política e por cargos dirigentes contra a elite tradicional. Na realidade, as variantes possiveis da Pampa Úmida na história é o eixo central que viabiliza deduzir as chaves da Argentina, inclusive do peronismo. / Peronism is usually conceived as the argentine experience of a much wider phenomenon of events linked to the industrialization of countries with economies based on the primary sector, usually termed populism. Without directly getting into those debates, this work states that in order to understand peronism, specification of some very concrete issues is required - which are entrenched into argentine history that might not apply to other cases. In particular, it sustains that peronism cannot be understood merely from a drive for industrialization – without eliminating needs in that direction – as it was already in course and due to the fact that manufacture did not experience any development out of its long term tendency. On the other hand, peronism brought forth other issues which had already presented themselves in argentine society, even though it might have exteriorized them in a much higher intensity, such as social conflict caused by the dispute for participation in political and social management against the traditional elite that had already emerged during the peak of the primary-export model. In fact, the changing possibilities of the Pampas over the years are the main axis that enables the understanding of Argentina’s main characteristics, including peronism.
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Fenomén peronismu v Argentině - politické, ekonomické a sociální aspekty / Phenomenon of Peronism in Argentina - politic, economic and social aspectsTrsková, Lucie January 2011 (has links)
This thesis deals with socio-economic aspects of Peronism in Argentina. It focuses on the changes and development of Peronism since the first government of Juan Doming Perón till now. The main purpose of this thesis is to map, describe and compare individual periods of Peronism and to define why is Peronism in Argentina still so popular among multitudes. The thesis is divided into eight parts. First chapter is seeking for the right definition of Peronism from different points of view. The next four chapters refer to the three governments of Perón. Sixth and seventh chapter deals with the first and second presidency of Carlos Menem and economic and political situation of the Argentine state. Eight chapter is dedicated to the last peronist governemt of the presidential couple of Kirchner.
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Insubordination ouvrière en Argentine (1973-1976) : contribution à l’élaboration d’un « cinquième récit » des années 1970 / Worker insubordination in Argentina (1973–1976) : contributing to a “fifth reading” of the 1970sThomas, Jean-Baptiste 03 December 2014 (has links)
Les années 1970, en Argentine, sont marquées, jusqu’au coup d’Etat de mars 1976, par une intense montée de la conflictualité sociale en général et de la conflictualité ouvrière en particulier. Cette situation, ouverte par le Cordobazo de mai 1969, taraude les bases du régime militaire de la Révolution argentine. En 1973, le retour du péronisme au pouvoir après dix-huit années de proscription ne permet pas de juguler cette poussée. Après la mort de Juan Domingo Perón, cette dernière se poursuit sous la présidence d’Isabel Perón. Elle débouche ainsi en juillet 1975 sur la première grève générale de l’histoire argentine tournée contre un gouvernement justicialiste : c’est le Rodrigazo. Parallèlement, au sein des secteurs les plus radicalisés du mouvement ouvrier, des structures de coordination et d’auto-organisation, les Coordinadoras, font leur apparition. Ce travail, qui englobe la période constitutionnelle allant de mai 1973 à mars 1976, se centre sur les tendances à la rupture entre la base ouvrière et populaire péroniste et « son » gouvernement. A la jonction de l’histoire sociale et de l’histoire du mouvement ouvrier, puisant dans la presse de l’époque, commerciale autant que militante, ainsi que dans l’histoire orale, cette étude se veut comme une contribution à un « cinquième récit » des années 1970 en Argentine. A la différence des quatre lectures historiographiques ou « récits » qui ont prévalu depuis 1976, (« récit des militaires », « théorie des deux démons », « récit du renouveau », « récit kirchnériste »), ce travail a pour objet d’analyser les conditions d’émergence de cette conflictualité sociale, ses différentes modalités d’expression, sa cristallisation à travers diverses formes d’organisation et d’auto-organisation, mais également la façon dont la gauche radicale des années 1970 intervient en son sein. / Until the coup of March 1976, the 1970s were characterised in Argentina by a dramatic increase of social conflict in general, and of worker conflict in particular. This situation, which was initiated by the Cordobazo of May 1969, goaded the military regime of the Argentinian Revolution. The return to power of the Peronists in 1973, after 18 years of proscription, could not stop the deepening conflict. It continued after Juan Domingo Perón’s death, and throughout Isabel Perón’s period in power. In 1975 it led to the first ever general strike in Argentinian history, which was orchestrated against a justicialist government: the Rodrigazo. Simultaneously, in the most radical sectors of the workers’ movement, coordination and self-organisation structures (the Coodinadoras) began to appear. This work covers the constitutional period from May 1973 to March 1976, and focuses on the widening rift between Perón and the workers and the population at large. It aims to contribute to a “fifth” reading of the 1970s in Argentina by positioning itself at the crossroads between social history and labour history, and basing itself on mainstream and militant press coverage of the time and oral history. Unlike the four historiographical readings which have predominated since 1976 (the “military reading”, the “two demons theory”, the “renewal reading”, and the “kirchnerist reading”) this work aims to analyses the conditions from which the social conflict emerged, the different ways in which it expressed itself, its crystallisation through various forms of organisation and self-organisation, and also the role played by the radical left in the process.
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As múltiplas representações de Eva Perón : mito e disputa política em Santa EvitaTeixeira, Luciana Medeiros 22 June 2015 (has links)
Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Letras, Departamento de Teoria Literária e Literaturas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Literatura, 2015. / Submitted by Guimaraes Jacqueline (jacqueline.guimaraes@bce.unb.br) on 2015-10-28T10:54:18Z
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2015_LucianaMedeirosTeixeira.pdf: 3312314 bytes, checksum: edcb29a3ccb58e2cf8e47f85f5aef2e8 (MD5) / O propósito desta dissertação foi analisar, a partir de uma narrativa ficcional, como um cadáver pode despertar uma onda de fanatismo e violência e simbolizar o destino de uma nação. Igualmente buscamos refletir sobre os resquícios do período ditatorial nas primeiras décadas do século XXI por meio do cruzamento entre ficção, história e discurso político. Para tanto, analisamos o romance Santa Evita, do jornalista e escritor argentino Tomás Eloy Martínez. Partimos, primeiramente, do estudo do contexto histórico no qual se insere a narrativa para, assim, considerar a violência do período, o tratamento dado à memória, os resquícios do estado de exceção que sobrevivem na contemporaneidade e seu cruzamento com a literatura latino-americana. Logo, passamos para o estudo das representações de Eva Perón presentes na narrativa e suas utilizações na política, assim como sua relação com o mito fundador argentino, para chegarmos, enfim, à análise da violência infligida a seu corpo morto. Percebemos, na narrativa de Santa Evita, seu corpo roubado como um lugar de violência e de resistência ao regime ditatorial. Evita como vítima e desaparecida prefigura, dessa forma, a repressão posterior dos anos 60, 70 e 80. Ela é a primeira dos 30 mil mortos e desaparecidos políticos da última ditadura argentina. Na obra, Evita é a metáfora do poder, mas também da resistência contra seus abusos. / This dissertation’s purpose was to analyze, from a fiction narrative, how a corpse can arouse a wave of fanaticism and violence and symbolize a nation’s destiny. We also sought to reflect on the remnants of the dictatorial period in the first decades of the twenty-first century through the crossing between fiction, history and political discourse. Therefore, we analyzed the novel Santa Evita, from the Argentine journalist and writer Tomás Eloy Martínez. First we set out the study of the historical context in which the narrative is inserted to thus consider the period’s violence, the treatment given to memory, the state of exception’s vestiges that survive in contemporary times and its intersection with Latin American literature. Then we moved on to the study of Eva Perón’s representations present in the narrative and its uses in politics as well as its relationship with the Argentine myth founder to reach, finally, the analysis of violence towards her dead body. We realize, in Santa Evita’s narrative, her stolen body as a place of violence and resistance to the dictatorial regime. Evita as a victim and missing prefigures, thereby, the subsequent repression of the 60s, 70s and 80s. She’s the first of 30.000 political dead and missing of the last Argentine dictatorship. In the book, Evita is the power’s metaphor, but also resistance against its abuses.
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Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) : rupture ou continuité du péronisme ? : Les mutations du populisme en Argentine / Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) : a breach or a continuity with peronism ? : Mutations of populism in Argentina.Doz, Emilie 15 November 2013 (has links)
Le 25 mai 2003, le peuple argentin assistait à l’investiture présidentielle du candidat du Frente Para la Victoria, Néstor Kirchner. Suite à la défection de Carlos Menem pendant l’entre-deux tours, il est élu avec 22% des suffrages. Malgré cette faible légitimité, il réussit à insuffler un changement certain dans la politique argentine. L’objectif de ce travail de thèse est de montrer comment Néstor Kirchner est arrivé à imposer un nouveau système de référence et à tourner la page du passé néolibéral qui a conduit le pays à l’effondrement. Pour cela, notre travail se concentre d’abord sur la présentation nécessaire du contexte économique et politique antérieur aux élections de 2003. Cette contextualisation permet de mieux cerner les conditions dans lesquelles Néstor Kirchner est porté au pouvoir. Ensuite, nous étudions la lutte idéologique qui se met en place, notamment à l’intérieur même du péronisme, afin d’identifier les processus qui permettent au discours kirchnériste de devenir discours dominant. Enfin, il s’agira d’étudier les points de ruptures ou de convergences du kirchnérisme avec le populisme et le péronisme afin de mieux le caractériser. De plus, le décès de Néstor Kirchner survenu le 27 Octobre 2010 a provoqué un véritable choc. Aussi, l’étude de la figure post mortem de Kirchner permet de prendre la mesure du phénomène K, dans le sens où il symbolise à la fois une réhabilitation du politique, une reconstruction de la nation argentine et une refondation du péronisme au XXIème siècle. / On 25 May 2003, argentinian population attended the presidential nomination of the "Frente Para la Victoria" party candidate, Néstor Kirchner. Thanks to the defection of Carlos Menem between the two rounds, he was elected with 22% of votes. Despite this weak legitimacy, he succeeded in impulsing changes in Argentina political agenda. The purpose of this thesis is to show how Néstor Kirchner managed to impose a new system as a new reference, and to move on from a neoliberal past which led the country to collapse. Therefore, our work first focuses on a necessary presentation of economic and political background prior to 2003' elections. Such contextualisation allows us to have a better understanding of the conditions in which Néstor Kirchner reached the presidency. Then, we study the ideological struggle taking place afterwards, particularly within peronism itself, in order to identify the processes allowing the kirchnerist line to become a dominant speech. Finally, we will focus on Kirchnerism’s breakpoints or convergences with Peronist populism for a better characterization. In addition, the death of Néstor Kirchner the 27th of october 2010 caused a real shock. Also, the study of the postmortem figure of Kirchner allows us to estimate the "K" phenomenon, in the sense it symbolizes as well a rehabilitation of politics as a reconstruction of the argentinian nation, or an overhaul of peronism in the XXIst century.
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