Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-12-13T11:44:38Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Mariana Morás dos Santos.pdf: 772797 bytes, checksum: f208607e7f3eb8f0dfb48315fcc25dee (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-12-13T11:44:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mariana Morás dos Santos.pdf: 772797 bytes, checksum: f208607e7f3eb8f0dfb48315fcc25dee (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-09-13 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / This work aims to discuss the Politics and State categories and their limitations and possibilities in the direction of human emancipation, under the theoretical reference proposed by Jose Chasin, with a view mainly concerning the research by the German thinker Karl Marx and the contributions that followed his thoughts. As politics are historically established to mediate and respond to the contradictions associated with the exploitation of man by man, i.e., contradictions engendered by private property, they are not inherent qualities to the Social Being in its ontological status, and are, therefore, unnecessary for the full development of social relations. The State is analyzed as an institution that shapes and ensures social contradictions and, thus, cannot be seen as a possibility to overcome sociability condensed by private property, since it is in itself the expression of this sociability. It is necessary to point out that such sociability is founded, in the production and reproduction modes of life, through labor externalization, which will be expropriated from the producer. Thus, the fruits of labor appear as foreign and strange to those who produce them. This foreign and estrangement movement is elevated towards the producer relation with the world, to the other men and to himself, since human production is a generic form of production, outlining the being that is separated from the social community. Thus, the possibility of overcoming this kind of sociability, that forges a dehumanized being, is carried out by the radical revolution of the mode of production, and it is necessary to surpass the form of work configured as foreign, since such an overtaking is itself the key to raising man to his generic conscience and, thus, oppose in order to overcome the particular forms of estrangement of being in the world, that constitute themselves as a coagulation of the inhuman, such as religion and politics. Such radical revolution must engender a reappropriation of the social forces usurped by politics, as a way of overriding the State, leading to the dissolution of the political practice of dispute of the power of State / Este trabalho pretende discutir as categorias Política e Estado, suas limitações e possibilidades no rumo da emancipação humana, sob o referencial teórico proposto por José Chasin, com um olhar principalmente às obras do pensador alemão Karl Marx e às contribuições posteriores ao seu pensamento. Sendo a política constituída historicamente para mediar e responder as contradições ligadas à exploração do homem pelo homem, ou seja, contradições engendradas pela propriedade privada, ela não é predicado inerente ao Ser Social em seu estatuto ontológico, e, por isso, é desnecessária ao pleno desenvolvimento das relações sociais. O Estado é analisado enquanto instituição que plasma e assegura as contradições sociais, de onde não pode ser visto como possibilidade à ultrapassagem da sociabilidade condensada pela propriedade privada, pois é ele mesmo a expressão dessa sociabilidade. Faz-se necessário apontar que tal sociabilidade é composta no modo de produção e reprodução da vida, por meio da exteriorização do trabalho, que será expropriado do produtor. Sendo assim, o fruto do trabalho aparece como alheio e estranho a quem o produz. Tal movimento de alienação e estranhamento é elevado à relação do produtor com o mundo, com os outros homens e consigo mesmo, por ser a produção humana forma de produção genérica, delineando o ser que está apartado da comunidade social. Assim, constata-se que a possibilidade de ultrapassar tal tipo de sociabilidade que forja um ser desumanizado é pelo revolucionamento radical do modo de produção, sendo necessário ultrapassar a forma do trabalho que se configura como estranhado, pois tal ultrapassagem é ela mesma chave para elevar o homem à sua consciência genérica e, assim, combater com vistas à ultrapassagem das formas particulares de estranhamento do ser no mundo que se constituem como coagulação do inumano, como a religião e a política. Tal revolução radical deve engendrar uma reapropriação das forças sociais usurpadas pela política, como modo de suprassunção do Estado e, assim, a dissolução da prática política de disputa do poder de Estado

´Scientific revolution´, as a concept, is both ´philosophically general´ and ´historically unique´. Both dual-sense of the term alludes to the occurrence of great changes in science. The former defines the changes in science as a continual process while the latter designate them, particularly, as the ´upheaval´ which took place during the early modern period. This research aims to demonstrate how the historicists´ critique of the justification of the traditional claims of science on the basis of the scientific processes and norms of the 16th and 17th centuries, illustrates the historical/local determinacy of the science claims. It argues that their identification of the contextual and historical character of scientific processes warrants a reconsideration of our notion of the universality of science. It affirms that the universality of science has to be sought in the role of such sources like scientific instruments, practical training and the acquisition of methodological routines / "Revolución científica", como concepto, se refiere a la vez a algo «filosóficamente general» e « históricamente único". Ambos sentidos del término aluden a la ocurrencia de grandes cambios en la ciencia. El primero define los cambios en la ciencia como un proceso continuo, mientras que el último los designa, en particular, como la "transformación", que tuvo lugar durante la Edad Moderna. Esta investigación tiene como objetivo demostrar cómo la crítica de los historicistas a la justificación de las características tradicionales de la ciencia sobre la base de los procesos y normas científicos de los siglos XVI y XVII, ilustra la determinación histórica y local de los atributos de la ciencia. Se argumenta que la identificación del carácter contextual e histórico de los procesos científicos justifica una reconsideración de nuestra noción de la universalidad de la ciencia. Se afirma que la universalidad de la ciencia se ha de buscar en el papel de tales fuentes como instrumentos científicos, la formación práctica y la adquisición de rutinas metodológicas

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This study utilizes an ideological rhetorical analysis, applying Marxist and Feminist lenses, to artifacts from Kiwanis International, a prominent global service organization. These artifacts are: "The Permanent Objects of Kiwanis," guiding principles that were codified in 1924; "The Man Who Was God": a brief story about transforming from Kiwanis member to "Kiwanian," published in 1935 and 1985, respectively; and the 2012 "Join the Club" Membership Brochure. The rhetoric of discursive materials is one of the most salient representations of group ideology. In turn, ideology, particularly when it reflects and perpetuates social hegemony, has a normalizing effect on itself. Ideology shapes identity; identity shapes strategies to set process norms that create social cohesion. Norms of social cohesion become culture; culture reinforces ideology. When these components mirror social hegemony and replicate hegemonic power, they create institutions, like service organizations; these institutions then legitimate and normalize positions of social privilege. Ultimately, ideology and social hegemony reveal themselves through organizational and member practices and organizationally-produced discursive material. The purpose of this study is to analyze the historical, socio-political, and socio-cultural roots of Kiwanis International in order to draw logical conclusions about the organization's ideology for the purposes of understanding how that ideology contributes to, justifies, and perpetuates an unconscious, neo-colonial view of philanthropy. Kiwanis International, on an organizational (macro) level and at the club/member (micro) level, is structured around positions of racial, ethnic, socio-economic, linguistic, gender, and religious privilege, and so mimics the hegemonic power centers and dominant ideologies of society at large. In turn, the products and practices of the organization reflect these positions of privilege and inhibits the organization's ability to attract traditionally excluded, disenfranchised, or under-represented groups. Understanding that it is a contentious and futile to simply point where power relations exist and assert themselves, this study emphasizes where "othering" occurs in hopes of mitigating relations of domination and oppression between Kiwanis members and perspective members, and of moving forward the interests of those who have not traditionally been counted among Kiwanis' members but whose presence could save the organization.