This thesis examined police practices of the North Carolina Highway Patrol concerning the occurrence of racial profiling. The sample data consisted of motorists stopped in North Carolina by the Highway Patrol between January 1, 2000 and July 31, 2000 (N = 332, 861). The findings suggested that race was a likely factor in pretextual stops. The results also indicate that racial profiling was occurring more in the western region than the eastern region of North Carolina. Theoretical reasons are offered in support of these findings.

This study explores the formation of attitudes towards the police from the experiences of young, ethnic minority males residing in the Danish ‘Vestegnen’ municipalities, situated within contemporary research on legal cynicism in the Nordic countries. Based on data from semi-structured interviews with five respondents, the study respondents demonstrate formations of negative attitudes towards the police from experiences - both direct and vicarious - of harbouring unjustified suspicion, different forms of police misconduct, and feeling purposely humiliated by the police. Conversely, the study respondents demonstrate formations of positive attitudes towards the police from experiences of feeling respected by the police, despite engaging in unlawful activity and having a positive relation to local police officers with a community-oriented approach. Following the notions of legal cynicism, the study suggest that the young men did not portray an absolute erosion of faith towards the police, as they generally approve of the police function in society. In closing, the study concludes by emphasising the importance of procedural just policing towards young, ethnic minority males from marginalised areas, as their compliance with law enforcement relies greatly on their experienced treatment. Following this, the allocation of resources towards local police officers with a community-approach may be a step towards effective crime-control efforts aimed at preventing youthful alienation from the police force.

Submitted by Alison Vanceto (alison-vanceto@hotmail.com) on 2017-03-20T12:13:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissHLSM.pdf: 1075538 bytes, checksum: 77dfd8a45aed07cbf23da6d0cd506733 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-03-20T14:27:25Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissHLSM.pdf: 1075538 bytes, checksum: 77dfd8a45aed07cbf23da6d0cd506733 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-03-20T14:27:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissHLSM.pdf: 1075538 bytes, checksum: 77dfd8a45aed07cbf23da6d0cd506733 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-20T14:32:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissHLSM.pdf: 1075538 bytes, checksum: 77dfd8a45aed07cbf23da6d0cd506733 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-10 / Outra / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / This research aimed to understand the discourses about the Ronda Ostensivas Tobias de Aguiar (ROTA), focusing on the speech of Police officers and politicians over control the "organized crime." Therefore, we analyzed two recent episodes of "Confrontation" between Police and incriminated subjects (Itatiba - SP in May 2011 and Várzea Paulista - SP, in September 2012) that ended with large numbers of "Suspects" killed. We took this two emblematic cases as a way to cut temporally two distinct periods, before the so-called " public security crisis " apparent normality, and the other period in which the socalled" crisis "occurred, producing increase homicide rate in São Paulo. Documents were analyzed as case of studies, master's workes and professional thesis produced by officers in Polícia Militar do Estado de São Paulo (PMESP), News, newspapers, press officer of the Secretary of Public Security and speaking managers of Public Security. As a significant result, we found that since 2009, the State of São Paulo, there was a direction of PMESP activities in "combat organized crime "that had the support of other sectors of the justice system and state administration, such as the Public Ministry and Secretary of Administration prison that provided information to ROTA, looking for integrated approach against "PCC". The integration between agencies was maintained in relative secrety, while procedures adopted in the "fight agains to organized crime" remained opaque by the whole process, reflecting praticies of a militarized strategy favoring lethality and use of force as means of crime control, and instead of controlling the "violence", he turned out to produce it, especially in the year 2012. / Esta pesquisa teve como objetivo entender os discursos sobre a Ronda Ostensiva Tobias de Aguiar (ROTA), com enfoque na fala de policiais e políticos sobre o controle do “crime organizado”. Para tanto, foram analisados dois episódios recentes de “confronto” entre policiais e sujeitos incriminados (Itatiba – SP em maio de 2011 e Várzea Paulista – SP, em Setembro de 2012) que terminaram com grande número de “suspeitos” mortos. Os dois casos emblemáticos foram tomados como forma de recortar temporalmente dois períodos distintos, um anterior a chamada “crise na segurança pública”, de aparente normalidade, e o outro período no qual a dita “crise” ocorreu, produzindo elevação na taxa de homicídios no estado de São Paulo.Foram analisados documentos sobre os casos estudados, trabalhos de mestrado e teses profissionais produzidos por oficiais da Polícia Militar do Estado de São Paulo (PMESP), notícias de jornais, imprensa oficial da Secretária de Segurança Pública e falas públicas de gestores da Segurança Pública. Como resultado expressivo, constatamos que desde 2009, no estado de São Paulo, houve um direcionamento das atividades da PMESP no “combate ao crime organizado” que contou com apoio de outros setores do sistema de justiça e da administração estatal, como o Ministério Público e a Secretária de Administração penitenciária que subsidiaram, com informações, as ações da ROTA de repressão ao “PCC”. A integração entre os órgãos foi mantida em relativo sigilo, ao passo que os procedimentos adotados no “combate ao crime organizado” se mantiveram opacos por todo o processo, incentivando a adoção de uma estratégia de enfrentamento militarizado que privilegiou a letalidade e o uso da força como formas de controle do crime, e, ao invés de controlar a “violência”,acabou por produzi-la, em especial no ano de 2012.

This study aims to explore the relationship between racist police practices and the production of space in the city of Malmö, Sweden. Acknowledging the systemic inequalities inherent in Nordic welfarism and how past Swedish colonialist efforts inform such systems, it presupposes that racist police practices should be considered structural rather than dependent on individual actors. To holistically explore how intersections of essentialist categorizations such as race, gender, and class are imposed on individuals, it focuses on the intertwined concepts of space, mobility, power, resistance, and subjectification. Building on three interviews with racialized men with different ethnical backgrounds and class affiliations living in Malmö, the study suggests that the impacts of racist police practices on the informants’ everyday lives are profound. Such practices do not merely restrict and determine physical movement but also shape the production and perception of space, both public and private. While room to maneuver is limited, it is important to recognize that resistance, too, is an element in the production of space. The experiences and narratives of the informants highlight both explicit and implicit acts of resistance as well as self-protection, challenging dominant narratives and protecting them from the gaze and sometimes the violence of the police, and reclaiming space and mobility. Moreover, racist police practices significantly impact processes of self-formation, as racializing and criminalizing stereotypes are internalized through conforming to society’s expectations and through challenging such expectations. In mitigating the impacts of police encounters, the informants modify their daily actions and appearances.

The murders and suspicious disappearances of women across Canada over the past forty years have received considerable national attention in the past decade. The disappearances and murders of scores of women in British Columbia, Alberta and Manitoba have highlighted the vulnerability of women to extreme violence. Girls and women of Aboriginal ethnicity have been disproportionally affected in all of these cases and have high rates of violent victimization. The current socio-economic situation faced by Aboriginal women contributes to this. To provide publicly available data of missing and murdered women in Canada, a database was created containing details of 3,329 women, including 824 who are Aboriginal. There are key risk factors that increase the probability of experiencing lethal violence: street prostitution, addiction and insecure housing. The vast majority of sex workers who experience lethal violence are street prostitutes. The dissertation examines the legal status and forms of prostitution in Canada and internationally, as well as the individual and societal impacts of prostitution. A review of current research on violence and prostitution is presented. The thesis provides summaries from 150 serial homicide cases targeting prostitutes in Canada, the U.S., and the U.K. The trends and questions posed by these cases are identified. The cases of the missing women of Vancouver and Robert Pickton are detailed. The key findings from the provincial inquiry into the missing women cases and an analysis of the most egregious failings of the investigations (Projects Amelia and Evenhanded) are discussed. Frequently encountered challenges and common errors, as well as investigative opportunities and best practices of police, and other initiatives and recommendations aimed at non-police agencies are evaluated. The three other RCMP-led projects, KARE, DEVOTE and E-PANA, which are large, dedicated units focused on vulnerable women, are assessed. All Canadian women deserve to live free of violence. For women with vulnerable life histories, violence is a daily threat and a common occurrence. More must be done to prevent violence and to hold offenders responsible when violence has been done. This dissertation is a plea for resources and attention; to turn apathy into pragmatic, concrete action founded on solid evidence-based research.

The murders and suspicious disappearances of women across Canada over the past forty years have received considerable national attention in the past decade. The disappearances and murders of scores of women in British Columbia, Alberta and Manitoba have highlighted the vulnerability of women to extreme violence. Girls and women of Aboriginal ethnicity have been disproportionally affected in all of these cases and have high rates of violent victimization. The current socio-economic situation faced by Aboriginal women contributes to this. To provide publicly available data of missing and murdered women in Canada, a database was created containing details of 3,329 women, including 824 who are Aboriginal. There are key risk factors that increase the probability of experiencing lethal violence: street prostitution, addiction and insecure housing. The vast majority of sex workers who experience lethal violence are street prostitutes. The dissertation examines the legal status and forms of prostitution in Canada and internationally, as well as the individual and societal impacts of prostitution. A review of current research on violence and prostitution is presented. The thesis provides summaries from 150 serial homicide cases targeting prostitutes in Canada, the U.S., and the U.K. The trends and questions posed by these cases are identified. The cases of the missing women of Vancouver and Robert Pickton are detailed. The key findings from the provincial inquiry into the missing women cases and an analysis of the most egregious failings of the investigations (Projects Amelia and Evenhanded) are discussed. Frequently encountered challenges and common errors, as well as investigative opportunities and best practices of police, and other initiatives and recommendations aimed at non-police agencies are evaluated. The three other RCMP-led projects, KARE, DEVOTE and E-PANA, which are large, dedicated units focused on vulnerable women, are assessed. All Canadian women deserve to live free of violence. For women with vulnerable life histories, violence is a daily threat and a common occurrence. More must be done to prevent violence and to hold offenders responsible when violence has been done. This dissertation is a plea for resources and attention; to turn apathy into pragmatic, concrete action founded on solid evidence-based research.