More law enforcement agencies are adopting social media as a progressive policing strategy each year. They utilize it for several reasons including, community outreach and engagement, public relations, notifying the public of safety concerns, recruitment, intelligence gathering for investigations, among other uses (IACP, 2017). This study explores Southern California Law Enforcements’ use of social media through a survey and content analysis. First, the survey results suggest that more than 93% of departments surveyed concentrate on community outreach through their social media channels. Second, the content analysis results suggest that when media (pictures/video), links, and hashtags (#), are included in posts the more engagement will take place. The more engagement a department receives online the more their voice and message are heard. The results of this study contribute to the sparse literature dedicated to law enforcement and effective use of social media.

The purpose of this project was to trace the developments which led to the utilization of para-profess iona1 persons as service aides in public welfare departments and to examine, in particular, the developments in Oregon at the state and county levels. The establishment of such programs was mandated in the Social Security Amendments of 1967. A review of the 1967 legislation showed the legislative intent to be inconsistent with the stated purposes of the program. This inconsistency, it was found, has been reflected in Oregon’s aide program. The theoretical origins underlying the aide concept were also examined in order to provide a fuller understanding of the means which were finally selected in Oregon to meet the legislative requirements. The aide program which evolved in Oregon has been marked by confusion in two major areas, the establishment of goals and the definition of roles. Specific problems which emerged within these two areas were analyzed in detail with special attention being given to the progress which has been made. To conclude, a theoretical model for the utilization of aides was proposed. While limited by its generality, the model does delineate the objectives which are considered essential to the establishment of an aide program based upon the research which was done in conjunction with this study.

President Clinton created Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument on September 17, 1996. The Antiquities Act of 1906 gives the president power to establish national monuments on public lands through presidential proclamation. The Act has been used to create national monuments in places such as Muir Woods, Grand Canyon, Mount Olympus, Jackson Hole, and the 1978 Alaskan d-2 lands. Its use has also produced negative public response, manifested as demonstrations, lawsuits, and congressional bills. In spite of significant legal and legislative challenges, the Antiquities Act and most of the monuments established through its use remain. The negative public response to the Act and the monuments has not been able to dissuade presidents from using executive authority. In each of the controversial cases the scope of the Antiquities Act was expanded in regards to the values being protected, monument size, or land use. The public had little influence in reversing that expansion. The Antiquities Act was designed as a tool to provide protection to threatened lands. It has protected federal lands, and in many cases the national interest. The historic and scientific values of once controversial monuments such as the Grand Canyon, Muir Woods Mount Olympus, Jackson Hole, and the d-2 lands, are now indisputable. These monuments have evolved to represent part of our natural national heritage. Only time will tell if the same can be said for Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument.

In the past two decades, there has been a growing consensus regarding the inadequacies of the existing environmental policy regime and the need for reform to address complex, cross-jurisdictional sustainability challenges, such as nonpoint source pollution. Reform theory has focused on the need for more integrated, collaborative, adaptive, and results-oriented environmental management, while empirical studies have highlighted the wide implementation gap due to an array of institutional obstacles. Key principles and challenges of these four reform dimensions were synthesized in this study and used to assess implementation of the watershed approach by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency and states since the early 1990s. This dissertation used a qualitative multiple case study design to examine the evolving watershed reform strategies of North Carolina, Georgia, and Kentucky, drawing on extensive document review and interviews with over 50 agency managers. Using an environmental federalism framework adapted from Scheberle (2004), the study explored the role of the national and regional EPA policy context, as well as state-level factors, in helping to shape the watershed approach strategies in the state cases. The research revealed that while EPA provided important initial support of state watershed management, its fragmented, output-driven program management continues to be a barrier to reform. EPA Region 4’s recent reform efforts demonstrate that regional offices can take critical steps to incorporate the watershed approach into internal agency management processes and external relations with states and stakeholders, but these changes often go against the grain of agency culture and norms. State agencies have made progress but face similar reform challenges, and their strategies are further shaped by important policy drivers, constraints, and resource limitations at the state level. More substantial investment is needed by EPA and states to: strengthen internal and external watershed coordination roles and forums; support collaborative stakeholder initiatives more fully where needed; and manage adaptively and accountably towards collectively defined watershed outcome targets.

For many of Latin America’s small farmers, a future in agriculture may be short lived. Due to increasing mechanization, land consolidation, and globalization, the demand for agricultural labor is declining, and small landowners are feeling the brunt of this change. Given this reality, the non-farm rural economy should become a much greater priority on the rural development agenda. Many non-farm positions demonstrate significant potential for poverty alleviation, but these jobs often present substantial barriers to entry. In order for smallholders to access these positions rather than low-skilled, low-productivity, and low-paying jobs, government involvement is essential. By helping small farmers build non-farm skills and knowledge, facilitating profitable land transactions, and fostering a business environment that supports rural job creation, governments can ensure that small farmers are not only able to transition to non-farm employment, but that they are able to do so in a way that maximizes the impact on overall rural welfare.

Climate change tests the limits of human understanding of complexity and uncertainty. It challenges assumptions about our presumed power of control over this planet. This paper examines the theory of how governmental executive branch agencies make regulation decisions about climate change using the decision-making methodologies of cost-benefit analysis and the precautionary principle, and as influenced by perceptions of the bounds of human rationality and ability to deal with risk and uncertainty.

For many of Latin America’s small farmers, a future in agriculture may be short lived. Due to increasing mechanization, land consolidation, and globalization, the demand for agricultural labor is declining, and small landowners are feeling the brunt of this change. Given this reality, the non-farm rural economy should become a much greater priority on the rural development agenda. Many non-farm positions demonstrate significant potential for poverty alleviation, but these jobs often present substantial barriers to entry. In order for smallholders to access these positions rather than low-skilled, low-productivity, and low-paying jobs, government involvement is essential. By helping small farmers build non-farm skills and knowledge, facilitating profitable land transactions, and fostering a business environment that supports rural job creation, governments can ensure that small farmers are not only able to transition to non-farm employment, but that they are able to do so in a way that maximizes the impact on overall rural welfare.

In this thesis, I problematize the United States’ response to the global phenomenon characterized as human trafficking. The framing of trafficking as policy issue takes place in the context of politicized claims about the nature and prevalence of trafficking, its relation to the sex industry, and the kind of response that is required. U.S. anti-trafficking policy was built and shaped in the context of fears about immigration, global labor, and the sex industry. As a result, trafficking has been used to justify oppressive domestic reactions such as border crackdown, scrutiny of immigrant and sex worker communities, and victim “protection” that barely differs from prosecution. The United States has also leveraged anti-trafficking measures such as the policy prescriptions in the Trafficking in Persons Report and sanctions for countries that fall in the bottom tier to build a global response to trafficking that suits the hegemony of the United States rather than the needs of vulnerable populations. Through the government-subsidized “rescue industry”—an army of U.S.-based NGO’s and humanitarian groups—the United States has effectively exported an imperialistic response to trafficking based on Christian ethics and neoliberal economics around the world. These policies are distinctly out of touch with the experiences and needs of the supposed “victims of trafficking,” those attempting to survive at the bottom of global capitalist labor markets. As a result, I characterize anti-trafficking as a form of structural violence, and emphasize the need for an alternative movement that addresses the actual problems experienced by global laborers and the complicity of the United States in creating the conditions for labor exploitation.

With the changing significance of caste and caste identity, this thesis explores the role of affirmative action or "reservations" in Indian higher education. Specifically, it aims to reopen the debate on the dominance of a "creamy layer" among the OBCs in an increasingly nationalist India. Viewing caste through the lens of ethnic identity, this thesis draws comparisons between the identity of OBCs and Scheduled Castes and Tribes, OBCs of the "Hindi Belt" and OBCs of the South, followed by an analysis of the politicization of caste identity today. The thesis concludes with an evaluation of affirmative action today and possible policy avenues that the State must prioritize.

In recent years, the incidence of non-state actors and social control have been configured as a public policy problem. fte present article is framed inside of the public policy analysis and for it is used the frame explanatory of the design of the policy through the analysis of the instruments of NATO typology. fte work is structured based on an analysis of congruence that allows to generate a logical coherence of a historical narrative of the countries analyzed. fte case study is the free and informed consultation in the hydrocarbons policies of Peru and Ecuador. fte main argument is that the objectives assumed by the government for the hydrocarbons sector become in the implementation of policies that affecting positively or negatively the social control in the sector. Within a comparative analysis, it is studied how these objectives come to consolidate and to generate a normative and institutional change within the analyzed sector, causing the indigenous participation to be affected in a way that generates a deficit of social control in the Ecuadorian case; and strengthening it for the Peruvian case. / En los últimos años, la incidencia de los actores no estatales y el control social se ha configurado como un problema de política pública. El presente artículo se enmarca dentro del análisis de las políticas públicas y para ello se utiliza el marco explicativo del diseño de la política mediante el análisis de los instrumentos de la tipología NATO. El trabajo se estructura sobre la base de un análisis de congruencia, el cual permite generar una coherencia lógica de una narrativa histórica de los países analizados. El caso de estudio es la consulta previa, libre e informada en las políticas hidrocarburíferas de Perú y Ecuador. El argumento principal es que los objetivos asumidos por el Gobierno para el sector hidrocarburífero devienen en la implementación de políticas, las cuales afectan positiva o negativamente el control social en el sector. Dentro de un análisis comparativo, se estudia cómo estos objetivos llegan a consolidarse y a generar un cambio normativo e institucional dentro del sector analizado, lo que determina que la participación indígena se vea afectada de manera que se genera un déficit de control social en el caso ecuatoriano; y el fortalecimiento del mismo para el caso peruano.