The relationship between politics and business administration is neutral, somehow, it may usually be considered as a negative phrase. In general, most people may judge this kind of relationship as something like corruption, bribery and rent-seeking. This research will focus on the example of transferring of control of a Department Store, and use this case to discuss the law, social benefit and traditional cultural issues about the transferring process. The relationship between legislative and business is mutual, not only business-political relationship could affect legislative process, the law itself could also heavily influence the behaviors between politics and business. A proper law could be measured by active and passive aspects, for passive one, it could have enough power to stop corporations from illegal activities; for active one, business law could direct corporations to enrich and fulfill its social responsibilities. Therefore, when the legislative tries to build up some relevant laws for business, it could not be done by only some narrow law-orientated elites but consult various fields of other expertise. The case is a classical one about joint loan of business, in traditional way, the case should be solved by professional bank workgroups. However, during the whole process, this case evolved to a competition of control of corporation between different business clans. Besides, this case also involved some debate about political influence, therefore this case cannot be considered as a pure business event but a more complicated issue.

Ce travail de recherche se veut une analyse approfondie du système médiatique sénégalais et de ses relations avec le champ politique, particulièrement sous le régime du Président Abdoulaye Wade. Le Sénégal a acquis au fil des années une réputation de pays démocratique, au regard de sa relative stabilité politique, par rapport à ses voisins africains. Cependant, les incidents entre médias et pouvoir politique, dans un contexte où la communication politique connaît un essor important, n’ont jamais autant interpellé les citoyens sénégalais et l’opinion internationale que durant les deux mandats présidentiels de Wade. Il paraît dès lors intéressant de s’interroger sur l’évolution des médias sénégalais, parallèlement à celle de la politique dans un contexte de changements significatifs. L’approche privilégiée dans ce travail est pluridisciplinaire puisqu’il s’appuie aussi bien sur les sciences de l’information et de la communication que sur la science politique et la sociologie interactionniste. En effet, l’objet de la recherche, les médias en l’occurrence, se situe à la croisée de plusieurs disciplines dans lesquelles il faut puiser pour saisir les pratiques, les relations entre les acteurs et les représentations. La méthodologie est centrée sur une démarche qualitative, principalement sur des entretiens semi-directifs, même si l’analyse documentaire et l’observation complètent cette technique. Cette thèse comprend quatre parties et est constituée au total d’une douzaine de chapitres dans lesquels sont traités, outre la construction d’un cadre de référence, l’histoire politico-médiatique du Sénégal avant l’alternance de 2000 et durant les douze années de gouvernement libéral, l’environnement dans lequel évoluent les acteurs politiques et médiatiques, leurs interactions ainsi que la dégradation de leurs rapports, qui mettent en question le bien-fondé de la liberté de la presse dans ce pays, voire de l’image démocratique qu’il véhicule à travers le monde. / This research aims to be a thorough analysis of the Senegalese media system and its relations with the politics, particularly under President Abdoulaye Wade. Over the years, Senegal acquired the reputation to be a democratic country, because of its relative political stability, compared to the neighboring countries. However, in a context where the political communication knows an important development, the incidents between media and politics, have never been more exposed and discussed than under Wade, as well by Senegalese as by the international opinion. It’s thus interesting to wonder about the Senegalese media’s evolution, at the same time as the politics, in a context of significant changes. Therefore, a multidisciplinary approach is used in this research. It’s based as well on the information and communication sciences as on the political science and interactive sociology. Indeed, this research’s object, the media in this particular case, is situated between several disciplines, in which it’s necessary to lean on to analyze the practices, the relations between the actors and the representations. The chosen methodology is focused on a qualitative approach, mainly on semi-directive interviews, even if it’s completed by documentary analysis and observation. This thesis includes four parts with 12 chapters. The first one explained the reference frame’s choice, and the others analyzed the Senegalese politics-media history, before the presidential elections in 2000 and during twelve years of liberal government, the political and media environment in which operates the different actors, the worsening of their relations. It also aims to analyze various factors which question the legitimacy of press freedom in Senegal, and consequently the democratic image of this country in the eyes of the world.

Revolutions, demonstrations, and, elections have a wide range of political and social impacts on societies. In many instances, the repercussions of these movements cause significant and irrevocable transformations that affect the daily lives of those living within the community. As a native Iranian female artist, my works of art speak specifically to the women who, like me, have been affected by these radical changes. As such, I use my personal experience of the post-revolution and election era to create poignant and progressive art that reflects the sentiments of many modern, Iranian women.

This thesis is a case study of the 1989 closure of the Inglis Ltd. plant in Toronto, Ontario. The purpose of the study is to examine worker-ownership as a labour strategy in a period of economic restructuring. In the Inglis case, Local 2900 of the United Steelworkers of America developed a response to closure comprised of three elements: negotiating improvements on the terms of closure specified by contract and by legislation; participation in a state-sponsored Labour Adjustment Committee; and a study of the prospects for worker-ownership as an alternative to plant closure. Through document analysis and interviews with union members, officials, and consultants, the relation between these three strategic elements is outlined. Gramsci's concept of "passive revolution" is employed to analyze the role of the state in economic restructuring and in the plant closure. It is argued that the state's role in economic restructuring has fostered forms of worker-ownership which are difficult to translate into effective labour strategy. State reforms embodied in plant closure legislation and adjustment programs have simultaneously channelled labour responses away from worker-ownership and towards severance negotiations and adjustment activities. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

L’Andorre est devenue un État de droit depuis l’approbation de la Constitution par le peuple andorran en 1993. À l’issue des élections de 2011, le parlement andorran, El Consell General, a connu la parité sans l’aide de politiques publiques. Il est à rappeler que l’Andorrane a obtenu le droit en vote en 1970 et son éligibilité trois ans plus tard. Quels sont les apports desfemmes dans l’espace politique afin de permettre à ce pays d’atteindre les standards européens ? Actuellement, un Accord d’Association avec l’Union Européenne est en cours de négociation au sein duquel les femmes détiennent un protagonisme capital. L’influence des femmes dans la société andorrane s’origine à partir de la pubilla, l’héritière unique. Ce statut toujours en vigueur et reconnu par le droit andorran, lui confère la mission de transmission des biens et de préservation du patrimoine familial. Dans cette société cosmopolite où les nationaux représentent 46% de la population, les Andorranes peuvent jouer un rôle politique. Cet État de 468 km 2 constitue, en réalité, un laboratoire d’idées et d’actions. Les 50 entretiensréalisés en langue catalane entre mai 2016 et avril 2017 auprès des ambassadrices andorranes,des femmes politiques mais aussi des hommes politiques, représente la trame directrice et lematériau d’ancrage de ce contexte historique et politique. / Andorra has become a state of law since the approval of the Constitution by the Andorran people in 1993. At the end of the 2011 elections, the Andorran Parliament, El Consell General, experienced parity without the help of public. It should be recalled that Andorran obtained the right to vote in 1970 and its eligibility three years later. What are the contributions of women in the political space to enable this country to reach European standards? Currently, an Association Agreement with the European Union is being negotiated in which women hold a key role. The influence of women in Andorran society originates from the pubilla, the sole heiress. This status, still in force and recognized by Andorran law, gives it the mission of transmitting property and preserving the family patrimony. In this cosmopolitan society where nationals represent 46% of the population, Andorrans can play a political role. This state of 468 km2 is a laboratory of ideas and actions. The 50 interviewsconducted in Catalan between May 2016 and April 2017 among Andorran ambassadors, women politicians and politicians, represents the guiding framework and the anchor material of this historical and political context.

Orientador: Áureo Busetto / Banca: André Porto Ancona Lopez / Banca: Claudinei Magno Magre Mendes / Resumo: O Norte do Paraná foi caracterizado como uma região de vínculos comerciais e influência cultural intensos com o estado de São Paulo, tanto pela ligação, através de estradas rodoferroviárias, quanto pela corrente migratória, principalmente, de paulistas. Apresentaremos nesta dissertação, o gérmen de dois temas e as relações entre eles: manifestações e discursos divisionistas Norte/Sul e a política de integração do Paraná que consistia na construção de um plano rodoferroviário. Esse plano governista possuía dois objetivos bem definidos: canalizar a safra agrícola para o Porto de Paranaguá, numa clara evidência de competir com o Porto de Santos, e dar resposta às manifestações divisionistas proporcionado por segmentos políticos da região Norte. Assim, nosso objetivo é mostrar as atitudes e o desempenho de diversas frações da sociedade londrinense, maringaense, apucaranense e curitibana que se manifestaram na imprensa escrita e falada e, ainda, nas tribunas de associações de classe e de câmara municipal, e analisar seus discursos que tangenciaram para duas causas: a de integrar ou dividir o Paraná. Esse conjunto de discursos, de autores diversos: historiadores, geógrafos, engenheiros, jornalistas, políticos e outros, se constituiu como portador de soluções diversas para o problema do escoamento da safra agrícola, de infra-estrutura e de integração. Seus ecos ainda podem ser distintamente ouvidos na política paranaense. / Abstract: The North of Paraná was characterized as a region of commercial bonds and an intense cultural influence with the state of São Paulo, by the connection, with roads and railways, as much as by the migratory wheel, most of it, of the natives from São Paulo. Therefore, in this dissertation we present the basis of two subjects and the relations between them: demonstrations and north/south separatist speeches that have been consisted of a twirl-railroad plan. This governmental plan had two well-defined goals: to canalize the agricultural harvest to the port of Paranaguá, in a clear evidence of competition with the port of Santos, and answer to the separatist demonstrations, supported by political segments from the north. Therefore, our objective is to show that the attitudes and the fulfillment of many portions of the society from Londrina, Maringá, Apucarana and Curitiba, that has been shown in the press, and also in the platform of high class associations and of town councils, and analyze their speeches that were subdivided in two causes: to integrate or to separate Paraná. This group of speeches, by many authors: historians, geographers, engineers, journalists, politicians and others, set up as the bearer of many solutions for the problem of the transport of the agricultural harvest and also of infrastructure and integration. Their echoes can still be heard in the politic scene of Paraná. / Mestre

In order for corporations to survive today¡¦s ever changing business climate, enterprises must tailor overall business operational infrastructure; HR is something have to be focused on and fine-tuned. Centralization HR works best when dealing with small to medium size firms; when organizations gradually grow larger, the centralization HR must be shift to service and proficiency oriented. Companies can be benefited, only by mastering and orchestrating centralization and localization HR functions. Corporation tends to revolutionize its HR structure, headquarter HR has been transformed to Shared Services Center, SSC which carries some innovational and creative concepts. Localization HR has been transformed to Account Services Team, AST. However, company politic still influences HR infrastructure greatly. Pros for passive and localization HR structure. 1. Recruiting. Company can find right employee when it sees fit. 2. Cultivation. Company can tailor orientation and classes for novice workers. 3. Utilization. Company can make use of each employee promptly. 4. Sustain. A career path can be mapped out to curb turnover rate. Cons for passive and localization HR structure. 1. Hard to orchestrate headquarter and local HR functions 2. Local HR has very overall limited authority and ability to manage even daily routine and recruiting. 3. HR itself has the propensity to have high turnover rate . 4. Supervisors tend to practice nepotism to the teeth.

Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-04-22T16:03:27Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Igor Silvaseg.pdf: 2840111 bytes, checksum: 884aae784e8a750e087392368333009d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-24T11:38:35Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Igor Silvaseg.pdf: 2840111 bytes, checksum: 884aae784e8a750e087392368333009d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-24T11:38:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Igor Silvaseg.pdf: 2840111 bytes, checksum: 884aae784e8a750e087392368333009d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / A presente dissertação analisa a atuação política da Assembléia de Deus de Feira de Santana, instalada em 1938. O contato com a sociedade feirense ocorreu através da política assistencialista. As atividades beneficentes proporcionaram uma interferência da Assembléia de Deus nas questões sociais e foi importante por aproximá-la das lideranças políticas municipais e estaduais. Foi, portanto, inevitável a relação de favorecimento dos políticos às obras sociais e espirituais da Assembléia de Deus de Feira de Santana em troca de voto. Conscientes de sua força eleitoral e de sua representatividade, a participação na política partidária se efetivou com a eleição de candidatos próprios entre 1972 e 1990. A investigação das relações entre religião e política compreende um período rico do contexto nacional, isto é, da ditadura militar ao processo de abertura democrática. / Salvador

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2005-12-13Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:15:22Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 marson_er_me_assis.pdf: 1062820 bytes, checksum: c20ae4518bcbf45d3b928976209ef3e1 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O Norte do Paraná foi caracterizado como uma região de vínculos comerciais e influência cultural intensos com o estado de São Paulo, tanto pela ligação, através de estradas rodoferroviárias, quanto pela corrente migratória, principalmente, de paulistas. Apresentaremos nesta dissertação, o gérmen de dois temas e as relações entre eles: manifestações e discursos divisionistas Norte/Sul e a política de integração do Paraná que consistia na construção de um plano rodoferroviário. Esse plano governista possuía dois objetivos bem definidos: canalizar a safra agrícola para o Porto de Paranaguá, numa clara evidência de competir com o Porto de Santos, e dar resposta às manifestações divisionistas proporcionado por segmentos políticos da região Norte. Assim, nosso objetivo é mostrar as atitudes e o desempenho de diversas frações da sociedade londrinense, maringaense, apucaranense e curitibana que se manifestaram na imprensa escrita e falada e, ainda, nas tribunas de associações de classe e de câmara municipal, e analisar seus discursos que tangenciaram para duas causas: a de integrar ou dividir o Paraná. Esse conjunto de discursos, de autores diversos: historiadores, geógrafos, engenheiros, jornalistas, políticos e outros, se constituiu como portador de soluções diversas para o problema do escoamento da safra agrícola, de infra-estrutura e de integração. Seus ecos ainda podem ser distintamente ouvidos na política paranaense. / The North of Paraná was characterized as a region of commercial bonds and an intense cultural influence with the state of São Paulo, by the connection, with roads and railways, as much as by the migratory wheel, most of it, of the natives from São Paulo. Therefore, in this dissertation we present the basis of two subjects and the relations between them: demonstrations and north/south separatist speeches that have been consisted of a twirl-railroad plan. This governmental plan had two well-defined goals: to canalize the agricultural harvest to the port of Paranaguá, in a clear evidence of competition with the port of Santos, and answer to the separatist demonstrations, supported by political segments from the north. Therefore, our objective is to show that the attitudes and the fulfillment of many portions of the society from Londrina, Maringá, Apucarana and Curitiba, that has been shown in the press, and also in the platform of high class associations and of town councils, and analyze their speeches that were subdivided in two causes: to integrate or to separate Paraná. This group of speeches, by many authors: historians, geographers, engineers, journalists, politicians and others, set up as the bearer of many solutions for the problem of the transport of the agricultural harvest and also of infrastructure and integration. Their echoes can still be heard in the politic scene of Paraná.

Submitted by VINICIUS FRANCA DE SENE null (viniciusene@gmail.com) on 2016-12-13T11:50:16Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Final Vinícius França de Sene.pdf: 819731 bytes, checksum: e35b3d08b790807a47b6a45d03c52d19 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Felipe Augusto Arakaki (arakaki@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-12-15T16:29:06Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 sene_vf_me_mar.pdf: 819731 bytes, checksum: e35b3d08b790807a47b6a45d03c52d19 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-15T16:29:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 sene_vf_me_mar.pdf: 819731 bytes, checksum: e35b3d08b790807a47b6a45d03c52d19 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Emerge, da inquietação por pesquisar a dialética entre arte e política, na obra de Herbert Marcuse, a presente dissertação. Entende-se que as divergências entre estética e política assimilem alterações, ao longo de seu percurso filosófico; interessa-nos, pois, inicialmente, investigar a importância da dialética e o seu poder de negatividade, cujo conceito marca-se por raízes hegelianas e marxianas. Haja vista a compreensão do conceito de negatividade, o filósofo projeta a necessidade de transformação: tanto da subjetividade humana, como – e por consequência – da sociedade. Marcuse infere, observada a temática sobredita, que, mediante o desenvolvimento racional do aparato técnico-científico, os homens consolidam as condições para tais mudanças; espera-se, todavia, deles, que tenham consciência da referida necessidade, a fim de que os mecanismos sejam aplicados no plano da realidade. A alteração na relação homem-trabalho, portanto, bem como o desenvolvimento da nova sensibilidade possibilitarão a conquista da emancipação e, por meio desta, torna-se real a chance de transformação. / This work emerges from restlessness to search the dialectic between art and politics, in the work of Herbert Marcuse. It is understood that the differences between aesthetics and politics assimilate changes along its philosophical journey; interests us because initially investigate the importance of dialectics and its power of negativity, whose concept is marked by Hegelian and Marxian roots. Given the understanding of the concept of negativity, the philosopher projects the need for transformation: both human subjectivity, as - and consequently - of society. Marcuse infers, subject to the aforesaid issue, which, through the rational development of technical and scientific apparatus, men consolidate the conditions for such changes; it is expected, however, those who are aware of that need, so that the mechanisms are applied in the plane of reality. The change in man-labor relationship, therefore, as well as the development of new awareness will enable the achievement of emancipation and, through this, it becomes real chance of transformation.