Les liens entre politique et littérature africaine semblent si tenus, si forts qu’ils cristallisent les problématiques et les évolutions du champ artistique. Pour Mongo Beti, le rapport est essentiel ; selon Alain Mabanckou, cette proximité relève d’une possibilité. Entre ces générations, se joue le passage d’une esthétique de la déconnexion à un régime de l’interdépendance ; les prosateurs se concentrant sur l’utilité de la forme au profit du sens. La politique de la littérature épouse ainsi les contours du monde, et son entrée dans l’ère de la Relation. / The links between literature and african politic seem to be so close that they concentrated the problematics and the evolutions of artistic field. According to Mongo Beti, the relation is preponderant, whereas Alain Mabanckou asserts that this closeness is a possibility. Between these generations, it exists both an esthetical and ideological change: the crossing from delinking to an interdependant regime. The writers focus on the useful of the form in ordrer to underline the meaning. The politic of literature follows the contours of the world and its entrance in the era of the Poetic of Relation.

Submitted by Haroudo Xavier Filho (haroudo.xavierfo@ufpe.br) on 2016-04-18T19:08:02Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação finalizada - André Carvalho de Moura.pdf: 1708748 bytes, checksum: ada1eaf485165eb90a708c40a3d5919c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-18T19:08:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação finalizada - André Carvalho de Moura.pdf: 1708748 bytes, checksum: ada1eaf485165eb90a708c40a3d5919c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-25 / FACEPE / Esta dissertação irá tratar de um enunciado político singular, que comporta uma racionalidade litigiosa e que arrisca escapar ao cômputo dos ordenamentos de poder. Sua capacidade de atravessar diversas estruturas e unidades permite uma análise a partir de um corpus estético-fotográfico: um conjunto de fotografias digitais heterogêneas, extraídas contemporaneamente de Vitória de Santo Antão, mas referentes a uma mesma fórmula pathos chamada Tentações de Santo Antão – uma alusão à alegoria de Antão Abade, asceta dos primeiros séculos da cristandade e padroeiro da cidade. A configuração de uma fórmula patética, que encerre essas imagens variadas, segue o carro daquilo que Giorgio Agamben estabeleceu enquanto método: arqueologia paradigmática, uma forma de conhecimento nem indutiva e nem dedutiva, mas analógica, que se move de singularidade a singularidade. O objetivo é elaborar uma construção metodológica e analítica – a partir da aproximação teórica de autores como Didi-Huberman, Jacques Rancière, Aby Warburg, Michel Foucault e o próprio Agamben –, que exponha a dinâmica dos saberes visuais daquele saber político distinto. Assim, esta pesquisa pretende investigar se as imagens aqui expressas, nos termos de um paradigma visual, podem produzir reflexões sobre uma ação possível fora dos aparatos do poder, nesta cidade tão longamente assenhorada por oligarquias. De fato, nos limites de suas temporalidades, o estatuto lacunar das imagens possibilita ao pesquisador um fecundo lugar de investigação. / This paper will deal with a singular political statement, which includes a litigious rationality and risks escape the calculation of power order. Its ability to cross various structures and units allows an analysis from an aesthetic-photographic corpus: a set of heterogeneous digital photographs, extracted in the contemporaneity of the country city Vitória de Santo Antão in the State of Pernambuco, Brazil, but also referring to the same pathos formula so called Temptations of St. Anthony – an allusion the allegory of Anthony the Abbot, ascetic of the first centuries of Christianity and patron of the city. The set of a pathetic formula, which shuts down these different images, follows what Giorgio Agamben established as a method: paradigmatic archeology, a kind of knowledge nor inductive or deductive but analog, which moves from uniqueness to uniqueness. The goal is to develop a methodological and analytical construction – from the theoretical approach of authors such as Didi-Huberman, Jacques Rancière, Aby Warburg, Michel Foucault and Agamben himself – that exposes the dynamics of a plural visual knowledge of that distinct political statement. Thus, this research aims to investigate whether the images here expressed in terms of a visual paradigm, can produce reflections on a possible action out of the apparatuses of power in this city so long oppressive dominated by landlords oligarchies. In fact, within the limits of its temporalities, the incomplete status of the images allows to the researcher a fruitful research place.

The aim of my thesis "Politic cycle in the European Union countries" is to analyse the possibility of existence of a politic cycle in chosen countries of the EU. The firs half of my thesis is introducing the issue of the public choise theory and different views at this theory together with models of politic cycle. The other part I am dealing with is political and economic backrounds of chosen countried in closer detail and after data analysis of politic-economic development I would like to try to point out possible existence of political cycle. I will use model of politic cycle based on budget policy above all in the analysis.

La construction constitutionnelle du politique en cours en Afrique subsaharienne francophone est le résultat d’une volonté historique : la colonisation européenne. Après la décolonisation, l’injonction du discours de la mission civilisatrice est formellement suivie puisque les constitutions africaines francophones, qui imitent la constitution française, consacrent le modèle français de l’Etat-nation démocratique. Mais l’institutionnalisation de l’Etat-nation démocratique est globalement infructueuse. L’application du modèle unitaire de l’Etat-nation démocratique va généralement engendrer des conflits intercommunautaires, soit pour le contrôle du pouvoir au sein de l’Etat-nation (par la lutte armée ou par la loi de la majorité démocratique), soit pour se séparer de l’Etat-nation. Les amendements jusque-là apportés n’ont pas réussi à résorber la crise du politique parce qu’ils s’inscrivent toujours sous le paradigme constitutionnel du modèle unitaire de l’Etat-nation démocratique (nation monocommunautaire et Etat-unitaire), ignorant ainsi un élément déterminant du fait politique subsaharien à savoir l’identité collective précoloniale ou ethnique. Dès lors, comme cela s’est fait dans d’autres pays (Belgique, Canada, Espagne, Ethiopie, et.), la résolution de la crise du politique dans les pays subsahariens pourrait trouver une voie de résolution dans l’adoption d’un modèle constitutionnel pluralitaire, c’est-à-dire la reconnaissance de la pluralité communautaire constitutive de la nation (nation pluricommunautaire) à laquelle correspondrait une forme pluralitaire du pouvoir politique (Etat fédéral, Etat régional ou Fédération démocratique). / The constitutional’s construction of the current politics in francophone sub-Saharan Africa is the result of an historic will : the European colonization. After decolonization, the discourse of the civilizing mission is strictly followed because Francophone African constitutions, which follow the French’s Constitution dedicated the French model of the democratic nation-state. But the institutionalization of democratic nation-state is generally unsuccessful. The application of unitary democratic nation-state model will generally lead to inter-community conflicts, either for the control of power within the nation-state (through armed struggle or the law of the Democratic majority) or to separate from the nation state. The amendments so far made have failed to resolve the crisis of politics because they always fit under the constitutional paradigm of unitary model of the democratic nation-state (monocommunautaire nation and state unit), thus ignoring a key fact Saharan political namely pre-colonial or ethnic collective identity. Therefore, as was done in other countries (Belgium, Canada, Spain, Ethiopia …), the resolution of the political crisis in sub-Saharan countries could find a resolution in the adoption of pluralitaire a constitutional model , that is to say, the recognition of the constituent community diversity of the nation (multicommunity nation) to which correspond a pluralitaire form of political power (federal state, regional or state Democratic Federation).

Submitted by MARIA LUISA DA COSTA FOGARI null (luisafogari@terra.com.br) on 2016-05-30T23:59:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 MARIA LUISA DA COSTA FOGARI - TESE FINAL.pdf: 2940255 bytes, checksum: be5e45cb6885f725d409598a9e0a4acd (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Paula Grisoto (grisotoana@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-05-31T14:47:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 fogari_mlc_dr_fran.pdf: 2940255 bytes, checksum: be5e45cb6885f725d409598a9e0a4acd (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-31T14:47:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 fogari_mlc_dr_fran.pdf: 2940255 bytes, checksum: be5e45cb6885f725d409598a9e0a4acd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-30 / A proposta deste estudo é apontar, utilizando-se de referenciais bibliográficos e pesquisa de campo, como ocorre a trama, a mobilidade dos negros urbanizados nas políticas de assistência social e a igualdade racial brasileira contemporânea. Estas inquietações foram justificadas pela intensificação e volume de casos em que muitos, em miséria extrema, são acometidos pelas injúrias e estigmas transmitidos no decorrer dos séculos, décadas e anos no Brasil. Destaca-se que nosso país não vislumbrou uma política que defrontasse com as condições precárias e vulneráveis em que os negros foram fadados. Neste contexto, naturalizou as fortes clemências e abstenções dos “recém-libertos”, que, além disso, passaram a ser considerados estorvos para esta nação, que não os colocou em cena. Assim, estes intérpretes da vida real, protagonizaram e protagonizam cenas num tecido social urbano em que os traços fenótipos ditam a regra do jogo. Nesse jogo de poder econômico, social, cultural e político, os afro-brasileiros são considerados apenas seres insignificantes, em que se promovem políticas públicas ineficazes e desrespeitosas. Para tal, iniciaram-se as seguintes interpelações: O que o Serviço Social tem a ver com isso? E a política de Assistência Social? E, especificamente, o assistente social, qual postura deverá assumir? Para tal, o objetivo geral, se definiu em: analisar a interface entre a política pública de Assistência Social e Igualdade Racial, avaliando como está estruturado o órgão responsável pela implementação/implantação destas ações em São Carlos (SP). A partir disso, definiu–se especificamente: identificar os projetos interventivos e ações socioeducativas existentes; verificar se os direitos sociais estão sendo efetivados; avaliar quais os órgãos públicos/privados e parcerias; analisar a perspectiva dos sujeitos da pesquisa quanto a importância da fusão das duas políticas públicas. Ora, o universo da pesquisa se constituiu pelos profissionais que atuam na Secretaria Municipal de Cidadania e Assistência Social, Divisão de Políticas de Promoção da Igualdade Racial da cidade de São Carlos (SP), tendo como amostra: servidores técnicos da Secretaria de Assistência Social e Cidadania e Divisão de Políticas de Promoção da Igualdade Racial, quatro assistentes sociais e cinco usuários de ambas as políticas. A coleta de dados com caráter qualitativo se consolidou por, por meio de entrevistas semiestruturadas, que foram analisadas. Ao finalizar, notamos que a coreografia da vida cotidiana dos negros urbanizados ainda é ausente de um olhar que realmente os “libertem”, principalmente pela esfera federal, que não detém de costuras sociais e econômicas efetivas, transferindo unicamente os compromissos e andanças aos municípios, signatários da política pública de assistência social, definida segundo o mito da democracia racial, sendo que o negro urbanizado está aquém. / The purpose of this study is to point out, using bibliographic references and field research, how the plot, the mobility of urbanized black people and the Brazilian contemporary racial equality occur concerning the social service policies. These concerns were justified by the intensification and volume of cases of injuries and prejudice in which many black people, in extreme poverty, have been affected over the centuries, decades and years in Brazil. It is noteworthy that our country did not conceive a politic that could face the precarious and vulnerable conditions inherited by black people. In this context, the strong abstentions and mercies of the newly freed were naturalized; moreover, these people came to be considered hindrances to the nation, which did not put them in the scene. Thus, these interpreters of real-life acted and staged scenes in an urban social net in which phenotypic characteristics dictate the rules of the game. In this state of economic, social, cultural and political power, Afro-Brazilians are considered only insignificant beings, for whom, inefficacions and disrespectful public policies are created. To this purpose, the following questions aroused: What does social service has to do with it? And the Social Welfare Politic? And, respectively, which position should the social worker take? Having this in mind, the general goal was defined: analyze the interconnection between public politic Welfare and Racial Equality and evaluate how the responsible corporation for implementation / deployment of these actions was structured in São Carlos (SP). From this point on, it was defined specifically: identify interventional projects and existing social and educational activities; verify if social rights are being guaranteed; assess public/private departments and partnership; analyze the perspective of the research subjects in relation with the importance of merging the two public politics. Thus, the research universe was constituted of the professionals working actuate in the Municipal Citizenship and Social Assistance, Promotion Politic Division of Racial Equality of São Carlos (SP), with a sample: technical servers of the Department of Social Welfare and Citizenship and Promotion Politic Division of Racial Equality, four social workers and five users of both politics. The qualitative data collection was consolidated through semi-structured interviews that were analyzed. At the end, it was observed that the choreography of everyday life of the urbanized black people still lacks a look that really “free” them, especially the one of the federal area, which does not hold social and effective economic measures, only transferring the commitments to municipalities, signatories of social assistance public politics, based on the myth of racial democracy, in which urbanized black people are less.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Notre étude du roman de Sony Labou Tansi aborde les notions de violence et des mythes dans leurs fonctions littéraire et sémiologique. Elle les envisage comme les sources fondatrices de l'écriture romanesque.C'est dans ce sens que la violence est assimilée à l'action des états postcoloniaux représentés par la fiction. Dans une interaction entre l'imaginaire et le réel, l'auteur évoque la confrontation des identités, des mémoires collectives et des territoires en résistance contre une autorité postcoloniale liberticide.Une autre forme de violence dite scriptuaire poursuit, avec audace, cet élan initié par les premières œuvres africaines de langue occidentale, elle s'exerce sur le langage littéraire déstructuré et dont les bases narratologiques sont éclatées. Le roman sonyen amène les mots à leur limite pour réinventer un langage néologique qui instaure, dans le roman, le domaine de « la tropicalité » sonyenne, une hétérogénéité littéraire et une hybridation du roman francophone.Notre étude du mythe exploite deux axes majeurs, en tant que parole et récit des origines, la mythologie structure une vision du monde basée sur l'ethno-religieux, dans sa fonction sémiologique, le mythe est lui-même signe et symbole, il appelle à l'analyse des langages littéraire, artistique et mythique démystifiés et débridés par un univers où l'humour et l'ironie participent d'une démythification du pouvoir et des traditions. / Our study of the novel of Sony Labou Tansi approaches the notions of violence and myths in their literary and semiological functions. It envisages them as the founder sources of the romantic writing.In this sense that violence is assimilated to the postcolon states action represented by the fiction. In a correlation between fiction and reality, the author recalls iditities conflicts, collectives memories and territories in resistance against the postcolon authority oppression.nother forms of said violence scriptuaire follow, with boldness, this impulse initiated by the first Africain writings of western language, it's on the literary language destruction and narratologiques foundations of which are burst.The sonyen novel brings words to their border to reinvent a neological language which institutes, in the novel, the domain of " the sonyenne tropicalité ", a literary heterogeneity and a hybridization of the French-speaking novel.Our study of the myth exploits two major axles, as word and tale of origins, mythology structures a vision of the world based on the ethno-monk, in its semiological function, the myth is itself sign and symbol, he calls to the analysis of literary, artistic languages and mythical dispelled the illusions and unbridled by a world where humour and irony participate in demythologization of power and traditions.

La thèse porte sur les rapports entre réseaux d'autorité et institutions politiques dans la province de Banten en Indonésie. L'auteur examine particulièrement la position qu'occupent les « hommes forts » jawara et les chefs religieux kiai au sein de ces rapports. L'étude a pour axe de comparaison le village de Rancalame, réputé pour son école de penca, lequel se présente comme une initiation rituelle comprenant des techniques de combat et est ancré sous des formes diverses en Insulinde. Les règles ancestrales de l'école de Rancalame stipulent que les initiés doivent œuvrer pour développer l'école tout en maintenant pérennes les valeurs qui leur sont associées et forment un éthos du « jawarisme ». Les activités du village et de l'école, ainsi que les ramifications qui ont été créées à partir des années 1970 sont décrites en première partie. Cette comparaison porte sur les dynamiques internes des écoles, leur organisation en réseau, ainsi que les rapports différenciés qu'elles entretiennent avec les structures politiques. Celles-ci comprennent les institutions politiques d'État ainsi que des « groupes d'influence » situés à l'interface entre ces dernières et les réseaux d'autorité décrits précédemment. Pour comprendre les glissements repérés dans les écoles de penca, la seconde partie de la thèse est centrée sur l'évolution historique des réseaux de jawara au niveau régional. Ceci permet de cadrer leur inclusion dans les dynamiques supra-locales et de spécifier leur rôle depuis l'époque coloniale jusqu'à aujourd'hui, en passant par la période du centralisme d'État suhartoïste. / The thesis concerns the relationship between authority networks and political institutions in the province of Banten in Indonesia. The author examines particularly the position that the "strong men" jawara and the religious leaders kiai occupy within these relationships. The study has for axis of comparison the village of Rancalame, renowned for its school of penca, which appears as a ritual initiation including fighting techniques and is present in diverse forms in the Malay world. The ancestral rules of the school of Rancalame stipulate that the initiated have to work at developing the school while maintaining the values which are associated with them and form a "jawarism" ethos. The activities of the village and the school, as well as the ramifications which were created from the 1970s are described in the first part. This comparison concerns the internal dynamics of the schools, their organization in network, as well as differentiated relationships that they maintain with the political structures. These include the political State institutions as well as “groups of influence” situated in the interface between these last ones and the networks of authority described previously. To understand the transformations spotted in the schools of penca, the second part of the thesis is focused on the historic evolution of the networks of jawara at the regional level. This allows to measure their inclusion in the above local dynamics and to specify their role since the colonial period until today, going through the period of the suhartoïst centralized State.

Ce qui intéresse Saint Augustin, c'est la manière dont les élus, distingués des autres par la grâce de Dieu et non d'après leurs mérites qui sont inexistants, vont vivre leur exil parmi les impies d'une cité terrestre, privée de repos, donc de paix. Mais pas plus que cette dernière n'est assimilable à l'État, pas plus la cité de Dieu n'est totalement identifiable à l'Église. Nous comprenons bien qu'il s'agit de deux cités au sens allégorique sui sont empiriquement mélangées (perplexae) ici-bas. En assimilant progressivement la première à l'état et la seconde à l'Église, les théocratiens médiévaux (comme l'islam politique de nos jours) en sont venus, contre la pensée de l'évêque d'Hippone, à soumettre l'État à l'Église, méconnaissant de la sorte la perspective eschatologique de la thématique des deux.Les disciples de Saint Augustin ont-ils été fidèles à l'enseignement du docteur de l'Occident chrétien, notamment au plan politique ? Dans la mesure où ils ont été unanimes à reconnaitre que la véritable « civilisation » est fondée sur la Foi en un Dieu qui s'est révélé, et où l'homme la comprend comme une « ultime et radicalissime possibilité de son être », c'est la situer hors du monde. Il restait à combattre toute tentative de la réduire aux dimensions empiriques de l'existence intramondaine de la condition humaine, dans l'étroitesse de la cité terrestre, cette, cette société adamique qui précède toujours la cité à venir et la prépare dans les tribulations de l'histoire humaine : « Là, nous nous reposerons et nous verrons ; nous verrons et nous aimerons ; nous aimerons et nous louerons ». (Œuvres de Saint Augustin, traduction française Georges Combès, Bibliothèque augustinienne, Paris, Desclée de brower, 1959). N'est-ce pas une image de la paix à laquelle tendent tous les êtres-humains ? / What interests Saint Augustine, is the way elected officials, distinguished from others by the grace of God and not on their merits which are non-existent, will live in exile among the ungodly of an earthly city, private rest so peace. But just as the latter is comparable to the state nor the city of God is totally identifiable with the Church. We understand that these are two cities in the allegorical sense empirically following are mixed (perplexae) here below. Gradually assimilating the first state and the second in the Church, the medieval théocratiens (such as political Islam today) have come against the thought of the bishop of Hippo, to submit the State the church, unaware of the way the eschatological perspective of the theme of the two.The disciples of St. Augustine were they faithful to the teaching of the doctor of the Christian West, especially in politically? To the extent that they were unanimous in recognizing that the true "civilization" is based on faith in a God who revealed himself, and when man understands it as an "ultimate radicalissime possibility of his being," c is to place it outside the world. It remained to fight any attempt to reduce the size of the empirical worldly existence of the human condition, in the narrowness of the earthly city, this, this company Adamic which always precedes the city to come and prepare the tribulations of human history: "Here we will rest and we'll see, we will see and we will love, we love and praise." (Works of Saint Augustine, George Combe French translation, Augustine Library, Paris, Desclée de Brower, 1959). Is not this a picture of the peace to which all things tend-humans?

The outbidding model of intraethnic party competition has dominated the literature on ethnic party competition. The emphasis of this literature on radicalization as an inevitable consequence of intraethnic competition has recently faced fair criticism. Scholars have presented new empirical evidence for intraethnic party competition that runs counter to the predictions of outbidding. Nevertheless, the major assumptions of the outbidding model persist. Scholars generally focus on ethnic outgroups as a source of intraethnic party competition, disregarding other factors that affect competition between ethnic parties within the same ethnic group. My approach to study intraethnic party competition is different. Instead of merely focusing on ethnic politics as the main factor driving intraethnic competition, I investigate other factors that determine intraethnic competition beyond ethnic politics, including social cleavages, and the electoral system. I submit that intraethnic party competition cannot be boiled down simply to ethnic politics. Ethnic parties within the same ethnic group compete over various issues ranging from socioeconomic concerns, to foreign policy and regionalists.