This thesis aims at evaluating the impacts of European Union Citizenship on the development process of European political identity. With the introduction of European Union citizenship upon the ratification of the Treaty of Maastricht, a breath of fresh air has been brought to the ongoing debates and a new form of citizenship has taken its place in the literature. The &ldquo / workers&rsquo / right to free movement &rdquo / which was the core of the push for European citizenship, has played a pioneering role for the rights engendered thereunder. In due course, new rights have been entitled to the citizens and the scope of these rights has been broadened. From the 1950s to the present, EU citizenship has continued its evolution and, rather than being referred to as a common market citizenship, it became a highly political concept during this period. In the context of these developments, this thesis view the historical background and the legal framework of the concept and, in light of these insights, analyze the impacts of European Union citizenship upon the formation of European political identity. In this study, European citizenship has been defined as a form of political identity, whose emergence , in turn , was a consequence of citizens&rsquo / relationships with the political entity-European Union- . On account of the inadequacy of the elements that constitutes the identity under normal conditions , the existence of the political identity has been emphasized as a the key concept in order to attach the citizens to the political entity and the role of the citizenship has been stated as comprising a common basis within the EU in order to constitute a political identity.

This case study of members of Iraq Veterans Against the War explores how identity, institutional context and affiliation, emotions, and the notion of healing come together in the experience of activism. Using an interpretive approach, I employ in-depth interviews and observation derived primarily from one local chapter, and visual and textual analysis of newspaper articles, organization documents, and video footage of IVAW actions including Operation First Casualty and the 2012 Medal Return, to better understand the ways in which identification with the institution these activists simultaneously attempt to undermine, the military, shapes their identity and subsequent activism in terms of the actions, strategies and tactics they engage in. I also explore the ways in which their experiences in war and the military have shaped their activism in terms of emotions and the notion of healing. This study finds that identifying as anti-war veterans and deploying that identity in activism enables an insider/outsider status that informs their critique and establishes legitimacy and political standing, which is evident in their public activism. I also find that within this context an emotion culture is created that enables the possibility for healing, catharsis, and the development of a politicized understanding of the mental and physical consequences of war that is intended to empower and mobilize veterans into anti-war activism.

Taiwan’s pop music is enormously popular in China. This study aims to probe the reasons for this success as it has taken place against a backdrop of hostile political relations between the Taiwanese and the Chinese. The study explores the ways in which Chinese people and the Chinese media have negotiated and practised the work of ‘imagined communities’ through the consumption of Taiwan’s pop. It focuses on the cultural-political struggles of Taiwan’s pop in China, its mediation, and consumption as a cultural practice. The study suggests that deliberative mediation and a sociable mediation are able to coexist through the process of music consumption. The study has used a variety of research methods, including semi-structured interviews of Chinese audience-members; documentary, media and historical analysis; desk research; and a six-month period of observation in Beijing. It examines the experiences of 26 Chinese audience members living in Beijing or Taiwan who are fans of the ‘Little Freshness’ style of music. Four important media texts are discussed: 1) Chinese Central Television’s (CCTV’s) New Year’s Gala (1984–2014); 2) the magazine People’s Music(1980–2007); 3) Li Wan’s book, How Much Time has Gone By, the Forgotten Sorrow: Sixty years of Songs Across Three Places: China’s Mainland, Hong Kong and Taiwan (2012); 4) Zhang Lixian’s edited volume, Archaisms: Luo Dayou (2000). Using the concept of mediation, the study highlights the significance of a ‘structure of feeling’ (Williams, 1961) to identify how the ‘multi-mediated’ process of consumption of Taiwan’s pop is made up of emotion, conflict and negotiation from the interplay of relations between Taiwan and China. This has emerged as a combination of musical mediation and political mediation, a combination which, in turn, moved from the cultural consumption of Taiwan’s pop towards the practice of the political. The study reflects on related approaches to see their limits and problems when applied to the study of Taiwan and China, and proposes that music consumption requires the engagement of the biographies of both the audience-members and the musical work in order to ‘activate’ the social use of music. It draws on Williams’s concept of common culture as well as Mouffe’s idea of agonistic pluralism to suggest that participation in, and interpretation of, Taiwan’s pop may further propel both Taiwan and China towards commonly held, yet contested, cultures - in other words, that their citizens may come to possess plural cultural citizenships.

This quantitative study utilized secondary self-reported data from the 2008 administration of the Cooperative Institutional Research Program (CIRP) Freshman Survey from two Texas public universities to investigate the pre-college demographic, academic, attitude, behavioral, and familial factors that may relate to students' self-reported political identities. The study design was correlational regarding the relationship of the demographic, academic, attitude, behavioral, and familial independent variables to the dependent variable of the students' political identities. ANOVA main effects for the independent variables were calculated, and statistical significance required the p < .05 level. The statistically significant demographic factors were native English-speaking status; enrollment status; citizenship status; religious preference; and race. The statistically significant academic factor was intended major. The statistically significant attitude factors were opinions regarding social issues such as criminal rights; abortion rights; the death penalty; the legalization of marijuana; homosexual relationships and same-sex marriage; racial discrimination; income taxes; affirmative action; military spending and voluntary military service; gun control; the environment; national health care; immigration; personal success; political dissent; and free speech. Other statistically significant attitude factors related to personal goals of making artistic and scientific contributions; being politically influential and politically knowledgeable; raising a family; participating in environmental programs and community action programs; developing a life purpose; promoting racial understanding; and promoting cultural understanding. The statistically significant behavioral factors were the frequency with which students participated in activities such as attending religious services; smoking; feeling overwhelmed or depressed; playing a musical instrument; discussing politics; and being involved in political campaigns. Other statistically significant behavioral factors were the frequency with which students participated in critical thinking activities such as using logical arguments to support their opinions; seeking alternative solutions to problems; researching scientific articles; exploring topics of personal interest; and accepting mistakes. The statistically significant familial factors were the religious preferences of the students' fathers and mothers. The results can give insight into the political characteristics of the students with whom student affairs professionals work. They can be used to inform the planning and implementation of educational programs that aid in students' political identity development.

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No description available.

Private and public sector organizations have become increasingly interested in promoting diversity. Due to barriers attributed to race and gender, women and minorities often find it hard to break through the glass ceiling. Mentoring is a tool to assist with breaking through the glass ceiling. This interest has led to extensive growth in mentoring research and the design of a more expanded concept, developmental networks. Little empirical research informs our understanding of Black women in developmental networks and their political identities within those networks. This qualitative study, within the framework of grounded theory method and of case study research, examines two research questions: (1) What do Black women federal senior executives value within their developmental networks? (2) How do Black women federal senior executives construct political identity within their developmental networks? Applying the conceptual framework of Black feminist thought and developmental network support theories the study examined the developmental relationships of three Black women senior executives. This research highlights the development of a group of high achievers and the contributions of their self-identified support systems. Data analysis from unstructured person-to-person interviews, a questionnaire, and researcher theoretical memos identified the themes support network, self-definition and self-determination, and ecology of life. The most visible codes were significant friendship, workplace behavior, social network composition, and Black woman. In conclusion, the women valued relationships that produced psychosocial outcomes such as friendship, trust, honesty, direct feedback, and reciprocity. They also valued relationships where they received workplace guidance and career exposure from mentor, friend, sponsor, and ally developers within or outside of the workplace. The women developed networks that provided closeness and consisted of developers from different social arenas. They defined their political identities, roles, coping strategies for life challenges and fostered relationships that recognized the importance of ethnic/racial respect, and understanding personal strength. In addition, the women preferred informal developmental relationships with Black and male developers of different ages. Due to a small sample size, self-reported data and the application of grounded theory method, the findings of this study were interpreted with caution. Provided were recommendations for future research and practice. / Ph. D.

ABSTRACT This thesis investigates political violence between the United Democratic Front and Inkatha in Mpumalanga township, Natal. In the early 1980s and early 1990s Mpumalanga was one of Natal’s townships most gravely affected by political violence. I ask and answer four questions: 1. Why and how did the conflict between political organisations in Natal become violent? 2. What forms did the violence take? 3. Why, as a result of the violence did ordinary people with little prior history of political activity come to identify with either the UDF or Inkatha? 4. How were these political identities produced? In order to answer these questions the thesis explores three primary arguments. The first argument is that 1987 represents a severe rupture in the politics of Natal. This rupture is captured in the violent form of political conflict that gripped the province. To understand this rupture the thesis looks back at a complex set of processes that interlocked over space and time. A second major argument of the thesis is that an aspect of the distinctiveness of the violence was its profoundly spatialised form in combination with gendered and generational forms. There were two major shifts in the spatialised form of the violence. The first shift occurred when instead of only attacking individuals, the household and its members also became targets. And then the second shift was when the purpose of the violence was about the pursuit of territory. Boundaries between territories identified who was ‘in’ and who was ‘out’ and all aspects of everyday life became politicised. The third major argument of the thesis is that there was a strong relationship between space/place and political identity. The re-territorialisation of space - iv - during the violence was central to the production of these new identities. Political violence created new spatialities, with space itself acquiring political meaning and identity. The political meanings of these spaces were intense markers of their identity and overrode all other meanings and identities. As the spatial form of the violence shifted it forced people to question their political identities. The lived experience of the politicisation of everyday life by the violence shaped the production of political identities.

A pesquisa foi desenvolvida com o intuito de compreender um pouco da inserção dos evangélicos nas instituições políticas brasileiras, em uma tentativa de articular tal fenômeno com o debate sobre a representação partidária. Por que um \"Partido Evangélico\" não foi formado, embora tal grupo eleja uma quantidade expressiva de representantes em grande parte das eleições desde a última Constituinte? O trabalho empírico consistiu no teste da hipótese de inexistência de uma identidade entre os evangélicos que justificasse o fato de um partido político não ter sido criado. Através de um conjunto de dados sobre os eleitores e outro sobre os deputados estaduais de todo o país, não foi observada a presença de posicionamentos distintos, de uma identidade política que tornasse, tanto os eleitores quanto os deputados evangélicos singulares, diferenciados dos demais grupos. Também foi constatada a fragilidade do modelo de formação de partidos a partir de identidades políticas no caso brasileiro, caracterizado pela alta fragmentação partidária e por uma falta de distinção na maioria dos partidos. / This research was developed with the purpose of understanding the insertion of the evangelicals in the Brazilian political institutions, an attempt to articulate such phenomena with the debate on the partisan representation. It\'s puzzling that an \"Evangelical Party\" was not formed even after the expressive amount of elected representatives this group has had since the last Constituent Assembly. Why is it so? The empirical work consisted in testing the hypothesis that there is no common identity among the various evangelical groups that would justify the existence of a political party. Through a data set of the voters and another one of the representatives of the whole country, the presence of distinct positions was not observed. There isn\'t a political identity that would turn the evangelical voters and representatives distinguished from the others groups. This work also evidenced the fragility of the political parties\' formation model based on identities. In the Brazilian case, this is characterized by a high partisan fragmentation and a lack of distinction between most of the many political parties.

Bei der hier vorzustellenden Arbeit handelt es sich um eine qualitative Langzeitstudie, die sich mit dem politischem Interesse von acht jungen Frauen in Brandenburg im Alter von 16 bis 20/21 Jahren, dem Alter, in dem sich die bisher ausgebildete individuelle politische Identität stabilisiert, beschäftigt. Die politische Identitätsbildung jugendlicher Schüler und Schülerinnen zu unterstützen, sie auf die Übernahme der Rolle eines mündigen Bürgers bzw. einer mündigen Bürgerin vorzubereiten und demokratisches Bewusstsein zu fördern, gilt als wichtiges Ziel politischer Bildung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. In diesem Konzept verbinden sich die aus psychologischer Sicht zu bewältigenden Entwicklungsaufgaben, die mit der Suche nach einem Platz in der Gemeinschaft (Erikson 1950, 1959, 1968) verbunden sind, mit einer Sicht des politischen Systems, nach der dessen Stabilität maßgeblich von der Legitimation seiner Mitglieder und deren Bereitschaft zur politischen Beteiligung abhängt (Easton 1965, 1975).<br><br> Die Herausbildung politischer Identität und die damit verbundenen Einstellungen und Verhaltensweisen Jugendlicher werden durch die Jugendforschung auf vielfältige Art und Weise untersucht. Nach dem politischen Identitätskonzept von Fend (1991) können politische Einstellungen und Verhaltensweisen nach affektiv-motivationalen, kognitiven und Verhaltensaspekten differenziert betrachtet werden. „Politisches Interesse“ kann als ein Konstrukt gesehen werden, welches im Schnittpunkt dieser drei Dimensionen liegt, da es sowohl motivationale, kognitive als auch handlungsbezogene Aspekte beinhaltet. Ihm kommt als motivationale Basis eine wichtige Bedeutung für die politische Exploration und politische Partizipation, und damit für die politische Identitätsentwicklung zu.<br><br> In empirischen Untersuchungen wird immer wieder festgestellt, dass das für die politische Identitätsentwicklung so bedeutsame politische Interesse bei jungen Frauen im Vergleich zu jungen Männern niedriger ausfällt. Junge Frauen zeigen eine geringere Bereitschaft, sich mit Politik zu beschäftigen, sie fühlen sich politisch inkompetenter und glauben in stärkerem Maße als ihre männlichen Altersgenossen, keinen Einfluss auf die Politik nehmen zu können (vgl. z.B. Fend 1991; Hoffmann-Lange 1995; Verba et al. 1995; Gille et al. 2000; Torney-Purta et al. 2001; Jugendwerk der Deutschen Shell 2000; 2002; Brandenburger Jugendlängsschnitt). Diese vorgefundenen Geschlechtsunterschiede werden auf unterschiedliche Art und Weise erklärt.<br><br> In der empirischen Jugendforschung wird im Allgemeinen eine Single-Item-Frage zur Erfassung von politischem Interesse genutzt. Diese kann nicht als ausreichend angesehen werden, wenn es darum geht, der These nachzugehen, dass weibliche Jugendliche nicht unbedingt politisch weniger, sondern politisch anders interessiert sind als männliche Jugendliche. Arbeiten, die das politische Interesse differenzierter erfassen, belegen dies bereits (vgl. z.B. Kuhn et al. 1998; Oesterreich 2002; Albert et al. 2003; Kuhn/Schmid 2004) <br><br> Diese Arbeit soll dazu beitragen, dass politische Interesse von weiblichen Jugendlichen mittels qualitativer Daten weiterführend zu erklären. Anhand verschiedener Fragen wird dem politischen Interesse weiblicher Gymnasiastinnen aus Brandenburg in seinem Zusammenhang mit dem Informationsverhalten und dem Stellenwert, den Vertrauen in Politik und gegenüber Politikern für die Jugendlichen hat, nachgegangen. / The essay (qualitative long term study) presents perspectives on the political interest of eight young women in the federal state of Brandenburg/Germany between the age of 16-21, an age by which they have achieved an individual political identity.<br><br> German politics aim at supporting, inspiring and preparing adolescents in order to create responsible citizens and to promote a democratic awareness. From a psychological perspective, this concept includes developmental tasks to be coped with as for example the search for a place in society (Erikson 1950, 1959, 1968) and an understanding of the political system as the warrant of stability depending on the legitimate members of the system and their readiness to participate in it (Easton 1965, 1975).<br><br> There are many different critical approaches towards understanding the development of political identity as well as the attitudes and behaviour of adolescents. According to the concept of identity developed by Fend (1991), political identity and behaviour are differentiated into affective-motivational and cognitive aspects. Political interest is attributed to both motivational and cognitive aspects and thus can serve as a central indicative concept for the process of the forming of a political identity. On the one hand, political interest constitutes an important motivational precondition to a maintained interest in political processes and participation. On the other hand, the motivation to stay informed about ongoing political issues promotes the perpetual increase of knowledge as well as the growth of the competence to analyse and act. <br><br> In empirical research, the political interest of young women, which is essential for the development of a political identity, has been repeatedly characterized as lower than that of young men. In comparison to their male contemporaries females show less motivation to deal with politics, they feel less politically competent and are more ready to believe in having no influence on politics (cp. Fend 1991; Hoffmann-Lange 1995; Verba et al. 1995; Gille et al. 2000; Torney-Purta et al. 2001; Jugendwerk der deutschen Shell 2000; 2002; Brandenburger Jugendlängsschnitt). These differences between the genders have received multiple explanations.<br><br> In empirical youth research, one particular question is generally used to assess political interest. Yet, this procedure is inadequate when it comes to finding evidence for the idea that female adolescents are not necessarily less interested in politics, but that they have a different kind of interest than their male counterparts. Essays that approach political interest in a more differentiated way have already provided evidence for this(cp. Kuhn et al. 1998; Oesterreich 2002, Albert et al. 2003, Kuhn/Schmid 2004).<br><br> This essay shall provide further insight into the political interest of female adolescents on the basis of qualitative data. Using different types of questions, the political interest of high school students in the federal state of Brandenburg, studying towards A-level is evaluated with regard to the behaviour concerning the level of concern, trust and appreciation invested in politics and politicians by female adolescents.