O objeto da tese é o significado das questões econômicas da economia, plano econômico da realidade, e da Economia Política, conhecimento econômico - no pensamento de Proudhon entre 1838-1847. Situada no campo da História Intelectual e considerando os textos do autor no período como partes constitutivas de um corpus, a tese tencionou demonstrar o importante papel que o autor atribuiu à economia tanto na preservação quanto na transformação da ordem social e como a Economia Política foi usada, criticada e transformada por ele para efeitos de análise e transformação dessa mesma ordem. / The object of the thesis is the meaning of the economic questions - of economy, economic realm of reality, and the Political Economy, economic knowledge - in the thought of Proudhon between 1838-1847. Situated in the field of Intellectual History and considering the texts of the author in the period as constituent parts of a corpus, the thesis intended to demonstrate the important role that the author attributed to the economy both in the preservation and in the transformation of the social order, and how the Political Economy was used, criticized and transformed by him for the purpose of analysis and transformation of this same order.

Orientador: Plínio Soares de Arruda Sampaio Júnior / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T00:42:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Feldmann_DanielAugusto_D.pdf: 2428201 bytes, checksum: 2b9811afb201d227ec4a4e7c58ce6bc7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Nesta tese nosso objetivo é desenvolver uma reflexão acerca das visões de capitalismo de três autores fundamentais do pensamento econômico do século XX: Schumpeter, Keynes e Hayek. Mais precisamente, trata-se de apreendermos a maneira pela qual tais autores buscaram equacionar o problema do mercado e da esfera econômica com a questão do Estado e da esfera política. Tal problemática esteve informada para eles por uma situação de instabilidade e de ameaças à ordem capitalista. Nosso estudo buscará apontar tanto as especificidades e idiossincrasias de suas visões de capitalismo como também indicar os elementos e aspectos comuns aos três autores / Abstract: Our aim in this thesis is to develop a reflection on the views of capitalism of three important authors of the economic thought in the twentieth century: Schumpeter, Keynes and Hayek. Being more precise, it is a matter of learning how do these three authors tried to address the problem of the market and economic scope to the subject of the state and political sphere. This issue was reported to them by a situation of instability and threat to the capitalist order. Our study wills objective to show both the specific aspects and idiosyncrasies of theirs visions of capitalism as well as indicate the common elements and aspects to all three authors / Doutorado / Historia Economica / Doutor em Desenvolvimento Economico

The aim of this thesis is to overcome the simplistic idea of homo economicus, by exploring the voting behaviour of heterogeneous agents whose actions are also influenced by their view of social justice and altruism. The thesis consists of four essays which explore the role of non-economic variables in defining individuals preferences. The first essay develops the path-breaking approach initiated by Alesina and Angeletos (2005). It takes in consideration citizens' demand for fairness, and analyses their political choices in a multidimensional scenario. We show how including fairness explains various observed correlations between inequality, redistribution and growth. The second essay analyses the connection between ideology and public schooling. It presents a model in which individuals care about their personal wealth, as well as about the public expenditure, which is allocated by the government between education and the public good. The third essay deepens the analysis of the connection between the ideas of fairness and redistribution and how these evolve over time, and considers a society in which two instruments are available: an income tax and a wealth tax. To avoid double taxation of income, a tax differential is computed, which means that the income tax is subtracted from the wealth tax. The fourth essay analyses the current British Government's "Big Society" plan, which is based on the idea that granting more freedom to local communities and volunteers will compensate for a withdrawal of public agencies and spending. The main conclusion that can be drawn from this thesis is that ideology and altruism deeply influence individuals' preferences and behaviour and can affect political elections and economic fundamentals.

Cette thèse de doctorat porte sur le débat concernant le rôle de l'initiative individuelle et de l'intervention publique dans l'économie politique et sociale de Léon Walras. Dans une première partie on analyse d'abord la philosophie d'Auguste Walras qui a posé les bases d'une véritable démarche scientifique pour l'économie politique et la théorie de la propriété et la communauté au XIXe siècle. Léon Walras réalisera son propre projet d'économie politique et sociale par un nouvel apport vers une vision tripartite, offrant ainsi une vision d'ensemble des trois sciences (économie pure, économie appliquée, économie sociale). Le rôle de l'initiative individuelle et de l'intervention publique dans l'économie politique de Leon Walras sera précisé en deux temps: d’abord la théorie de la répartition et ensuite celle de la production, considérées comme une première et seconde question sociale. La deuxième partie, présentant une continuation logique de notre thèse propose des exemples concrets à la fois pour comprendre le modèle théorique walrasien mais également pour examiner l'actualité de ses propos. L'importance conférée à l'intervention publique sera étudiée dans les travaux de Léon Walras portant sur la propriété intellectuelle, la nationalisation des terres et les chemins de fer. / This doctoral thesis relates to the debate on the role of initiative and public participation in the political and social economy of Leon Walras.In the first part the analysis focuses on the philosophy of August Walras who laid the foundation of a real scientific approach to the political and economic theory of property and community in the 19th century. Leon Walras elaborates his own project of political and social economy through a new contribution to a triple vision offering an entire insight by three sciences (pure, applied and social economics). The role of personal initiative and public participation in the political economy of Leon Walras will be revealed through: the redistribution theory and the production theory known as the first and second social question. The second part, following the logic of the thesis, proposes concrete examples in order to understand Walras' theory model as well as to study the topicality of these terms. The importance conferred on public participation will be explored in the works of Leon Walras on intellectual property, nationalization of land and railroad.

L'objectif de cette thèse est d'apporter une contribution sur la question de la réforme du système de retraite par répartition lequel devient plus que jamais fragilisé dans un contexte de vieillissement des populations. Aussi, dans le cadre de cette recherche, nous avons analysé les effets du système de retraite par répartition ainsi que de sa réforme sur les variables macroéconomiques et sur le bien être des générations. Dans cette perspective, nous avons construit un modèle d'équilibre général calculable à générations imbriquées à partir duquel nous avons simulé différents scénarii de réforme du système de retraite tunisien en tenant compte de l'évolution de la population. Les résultats empiriques corroborent ceux dégagés d'un point de vue théorique et montrent qu'une combinaison d'une hausse du taux de cotisation, d'une baisse du taux de remplacement et d'un recul de cinq ans de l'âge de départ à la retraite, améliorerait le solde budgétaire du système par répartition mais aurait un effet négatif sur l'épargne ainsi que sur le stock de capital de l'économie. Par ailleurs, il s'avère que l'introduction d'un pilier par capitalisation, tout en maintenant constant le taux global de cotisation, aurait des effets positifs sur les variables macroéconomiques mais affecterait négativement le bien-être des générations de la transition. Les résultats des simulations nous ont également permis de formuler une proposition de réforme qui se déroulerait en deux étapes et qui permettrait de maintenir l'équilibre financier du système de retraite tunisien jusqu'en 2040. / The aim of this thesis is to contribute to the social security reform debate which is becoming an up-to-date concern with an aging population context. In this research, we analyze the impact of the macroeconomic and welfare effects of the pay-as-you-go system and of its reform especially during the transition. In this perspective we developed an overlapping generation model based on a general equilibrium framework. Our model takes into account the evolution of the Tunisian demographic structure. Results from simulations suggest that a social security reform combining a decrease in the replacement rate, an increase in the contribution rate and a five year increase in the retirement age have positive financial effects. However, it has negative effects on savings and on capital stock in the economy. According to our model, a fully funded pillar introduction, keeping total contribution rate constant, has a positive impact on macroeconomic variables. Nevertheless, this reform hurts the transitional generations welfare. Using these results, we propose a two-step reform of the Tunisian retirement system which introduces a fully funded pillar. This reform proposal can insure financial equilibrium of the retirement system until 2040.

This dissertation is an attempt to use the radical political economy approach, which assumes that there is a connection between a state’s strategic interests and the interests of dominant multinational corporations (MNCs) located within a state’s territory, to explain continuity in the USAID development agenda and lending patterns during the past 30 years of development aid to Haiti. Employing the qualitative method of "process-tracing," my study concludes that the radical political economy approach has an explanatory power when it comes to understanding continuity in the USAID development agenda and lending patterns during the past 30 years of development aid to Haiti. The evidence shows that USAID has implemented in Haiti, from the 1980s through the post-9/11 Washington Consensus period, neoliberal policies that conform to the political economy of US multinational corporations (US MNCs). Contrary to the claim that the USAID-sponsored post-earthquake development paradigm has departed from previous development strategies, the study has shown that USAID has used the occurrence of the January 2010 earthquake tragedy to accelerate in Haiti the implementation of a neoliberal agenda congenial to the business promotion of multinational investors, particularly US multinational corporations. In terms of the way ahead, the study argues for the implementation of a new development approach articulated by a legitimate Haitian state and primarily intended to promote the socioeconomic development of the poorest Haitians.

A number of literature have analyzed the effect of harsh punitive laws on crime rates in the United States. This study aims to investigate the effect of specific U.S. federal drug policies on the rates of recidivism for nonviolent drug crimes during the years 1997 through 2009. I use data from a probation survey from the Bureau of Labor Statistics that is specifically comprised of America’s youth criminal population. I measure recidivism of nonviolent drug crime through re-arrest due to selling drugs using a few different metrics including a multivariate regression model using economic and social indicators as the explanatory variables and a discrete time hazard model. I find that U.S. federal drug policy increases the probability of recidivism during these years due to an upward trend of recidivism rates.

Coal mining carries significant impacts for surrounding livelihood practices. Yet, in order to explain how specific impacts become grounded within a particular community, attention must be given to the complex assemblage of socio-political and economic forces operating at the local scale. As such, this paper builds upon 3 months of field research in 2010 to describe the impact of decentralized extractive resource governance at coal mines near the rural coastal village of Sekerat, East Kalimantan. Employing evolutions in political ecology research, the analysis focuses on the evolving governance ‘space’ in order to explain how institutional analyses of resource extraction governance and livelihood governance can be integrated to understand how scalar processes construct a range of real and perceived impacts which condition the decision-making modalities of local villagers. A case is then made for giving greater consideration to the importance of temporality and materiality to explaining how land-based and wage-labour livelihood practices have become ‘reified’ within the local village.

The research question animating this project is ‘what is the nature of neoliberalism’s influence on recent and contemporary US climate change policy?’ Situating itself against several growing bodies of literature which have sought to underscore the fetishism of markets in recent environmental and climate policy agendas under neoliberalism – e.g., the work of Heynen et al (2007) on ‘neoliberal environments’; Paterson and Newell’s (2010) work on neoliberalism and carbon markets; and the work of Dryzek et al (2003) on state forms and ecological modernization – this project argues that any such analysis must be predicated on a considerably more nuanced conception of (a) ‘neoliberalism’, (b) the historic role of states in fostering accumulation, and (c) the nature of policy development within any specific neoliberal context. Applying these theoretical re-conceptualizations to the American context, the project argues that a central tension informing contemporary US climate policy under neoliberalism can be understood a stand-off between two prevailing logics in the federal policy process: on the one hand, Washington’s attempt to build on its tradition of using state power to foster high-tech market development by cultivating the alternative energy realm as a developmental state project, and on the other, the anti-regulationist bent of neoliberalism which seeks to delegitimize the ‘pull’ policies required to ‘creatively destroy’ conventional energy and animate domestic alternative energy markets. Against the general conception of the US as a ‘climate laggard’ whose policy options are restricted market mechanisms and generally anathema to progressive ecological modernization, this body of work shows how the US has managed to develop a robust set of interventionist ‘push’ and ‘pull’ climate policies along ‘alternative policy pathways’, despite the prevailing anti-state rhetoric of neoliberalism.

Since Kingston Penitentiary’s opening in 1835, prison labour has been an integral part of Canada’s penal history. With purported goals such as deterrence, rehabilitation, reintegration, and providing sustenance to the state, the practice of coercing or forcing a prisoner to work while serving a sentence of incarceration was further embedded in the penal landscape in 1980 with the inception of CORCAN, the Correctional Service of Canada’s prison labour program. Despite critiques of the prison as “a fiasco in terms of its own purposes” (Mathiesen, 2006, p. 141), prison labour continues as a mechanism of the state’s penal apparatus. Drawing on political economy of punishment and penal abolitionism literature, this study reveals and disrupts official discourses used to justify and perpetuate this modern form of slavery in Canada. Through a content analysis of 33 Solicitor General of Canada and CORCAN annual reports, I demonstrate how CORCAN’s prison labour program is legitimated as a “positive reform” (Mathiesen, 1974, p. 202) of Canada’s penal system, beneficial to the reintegration of prisoners into society, communities, and the needs of the Canadian state and economy. Underneath this benevolent mask such representations are found to reproduce neoliberal capitalism as the hegemonic form of economic organization, construing prisoners and prison labour as solutions to the gaps and shifts in the national economy and labour market. After outlining these contributions, I suggest ways that future research can reveal and discredit penal ‘solutions’ such as prison labour to eradicate the penal system as a means to address the harms inherent in our social and economic systems.