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This thesis answers the question how and why do individuals specialise in different types of political participation? By examining the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation, or spread them out across many. This thesis complements previous research on rates of political participation; and adapts and extends existing theories of political participation to explain differences in the degree of specialisation between different groups in society and between countries. Using data from the European Social Survey, covering as many as 21 European countries, and applying a range of different statistical methods, I distinguish four types of political participation: voting, conventional and unconventional political participation and consumer politics. I show that in countries with higher levels of socio-economic development, more democratic experience, and an increased presence of mobilising agents, the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation is higher, regardless of the accessibility and responsiveness of their political institutions. This is partly due to the fact that these countries have a higher educated population and that higher educated individuals specialise more. Specialisation also varies along the lines of other socio-demographic divisions, such as those based on gender. Moreover, I show that in contexts in which political issues are salient, such as during an election year, individuals are more likely to engage in non-electoral types of political participation if they also vote. This implies that specialisation is reduced during times of country-wide political mobilisation. The final finding of my thesis is that non-Western immigrants tend to concentrate their political activities less within one type of political participation than the majority population in Western Europe. Western immigrants specialise quite differently, suggesting differences in the way in which they are mobilised. As well as providing an important contribution to the study of political participation, these findings are relevant to discussions regarding citizen engagement and representation.

Cette thèse de doctorat propose que les mouvements ou les soulèvements populaires puissent unir l'éthique et la politique de manière directe et pratique pour constituer un domaine à partir duquel on peut avancer une théorie normative répondant aux défis de l'injustice dans notre monde. Toute étude de ces mouvements doit prendre en compte un événement spécifique et son contexte et donc renoncer à la position de l’"observateur". J'ai donc choisi d'examiner les révolutions déclenchées dans le monde arabe au cours de la dernière décennie, en mettant l'accent sur la Place Tahrir en Egypte. Pour apprécier le caractère innovateur qu'offrent ces révolutions, il est nécessaire de commencer par démonter les fondements épistémiques profondément enracinés dans la théorie politique occidentale qui prennent en considération le succès des révolutions en se basant uniquement sur leurs résultats finaux, et en particulier leur effet éventuel sur le changement de régime. Ces mouvements populaires défient non seulement les études de démocratisation et leurs recommandations pour un changement provenant des structures du pouvoir, mais ils remettent aussi en question le domaine de la politique ainsi que ses principes fondamentaux. Cette confrontation se produit au moment où le peuple les s’aperçoivent de leur qualité d’agence et utilisent leur pouvoir politique de manière manifeste et concrète. Comme dans le cas de la place Tahrir, les citoyens créent un espace public ouvert aux désirs et intérêts de chacun, ainsi qu’à la solidarité et à la responsabilité collectives. Les conditions dans lesquelles ces mouvements organisent leur action politique collective - horizontalement, de manière non hiérarchique et sans intermédiaire de la part des représentants et des dirigeants – est une manière de résister à la menace que leur pouvoir soit manipulé pour des fins médiocres se rapportant au pouvoir de l'État. Cette forme d’organisation permet également la reconfiguration des interactions éthiques de la foule, clairement exposée sur la place Tahrir, produisant ce que j’appelle «l’éthique de companionship». Cette éthique peut être reformulée et mise en pratique d'une manière sensibilisée à soi-même et autrui, et d’une manière adaptée aux besoins spécifiques et aux injustices du monde qui nous entoure. Une « éthique de camaraderie » est donc réceptive et ouverte à la négociation et à la persuasion, et constitue avant tout un « art de vivre ensemble ». / This dissertation proposes that popular movements or uprisings can unite ethics and politics in a direct, practical manner and constitute an illuminating domain from which to advance normative theory that responds to the challenges of injustice in our world today. Any study of these movements ought to engage with a specific event and its context and renounce the position of ‘observer.’ Accordingly, I have chosen to examine the revolutions sparked in the Arab world over the past decade, particularly focusing on the account of Tahrir Square. In order to appreciate the novelty these revolutions offer, it is necessary to first dismantle the deeply entrenched epistemic grounds of Western political theory which consider revolutions only on the basis of their end results, particularly whether or not they effect regime change. These popular movements not only defy democratization studies and its prescription for change from above, they also fundamentally challenge the domain of politics and some of its basic tenets. This confrontation occurs the moment the people gain their agency and use their political power demonstrably and concretely. The domain of politics is further challenged when the people create, as they did in Tahrir Square, a public sphere that is receptive to individual desires and interests as well as collective solidarity and responsibility. The conditions under which these movements organize their collective political action – horizontally, non-hierarchically, and unmediated by representative and leaders – resist the threat of their power being instrumentalized to obtain middling results pertaining to state power. This form of organization also reconfigures the crowd’s ethical interactions, unmistakeably on display in Tahrir Square, producing what I call “ethics of companionship.” These ethics can be reformulated and practiced in manner attuned to both self and other, and adapted to the specific needs and injustices of the world around us. An ethics of companionship is responsive and open for negotiation and persuasion, and above all, it makes an art out of our living together.

This study focuses on how gender and political engagement contribute to disaster management in Bangladesh, specifically in disaster relief and rehabilitation. It is based on empirical evidence from southwest coastal Bangladesh, particularly in Dacope Upazila, and applies a mixed-method approach. Results show that gender has a significant influence on the acquisition of post-disaster relief and rehabilitation supports. Females, including those widowed and divorced, get more relief than males. Nevertheless, older women are not given priority for aftermath disaster relief. Moreover, gender plays a vital role in the household’s overall economic strength and is crucial for disaster resilience. Furthermore, respondents’ families who were, in some way, closely connected with local social and political leaders, obtained more relief and aids. The results indicate that socio-political connectedness, irrespective of gender, still dominates local decision-making processes in disaster recovery. Alongside women’s empowerment, regular monitoring and evaluation of relief and rehabilitation programs must improve, to reduce the traditional barriers to effective disaster management (arising from (dis)connectedness to local social power) in the face of climate change.

MA (Political Science) / Department of Development Studies / The 21st century has witnessed intensified ties between China and South Africa both bilaterally and multilaterally under BRICS. South Africa-China relations have been amplified by the quest to strengthen South-South cooperation as opposed to depending on the West for everything. In this research the focus is on examining the political and economic relations between South Africa and China. The sustainability of the China-South Africa engagement in the areas of economy and politics will be examined. Since South Africa is the weaker partner economically in her relationship with China, will the relationship leave South Africa disadvantaged or will the South African economy benefit from the bilateral relations? On the political level, China’s policy on Tibet and the One-China policy may have a bearing on South Africa’s image in the world. The research is designed to explore the political and economic dimensions of the relationship. The study derives insights from the interdependence theory which argues that we live in a world of interdependence which has altered the concept of power which is at the heart of the realist theory. Interdependence is also defined as mutual dependence among nations and reciprocal effects among states. The study utilizes a qualitative approach where desk research involving primary and secondary sources are used. Fundamentally the study argues that the relationship is mutually beneficial albeit unequal. China is a major power with the second largest economy in the world and South Africa is a regional power with a stagnating economy. China needs South Africa in her Africa strategy due to the fact that South Africa boasts the largest and most advanced economy on the African continent and this makes the country a convenient doorway into Africa. South Africa on the other hand needs Chinese Foreign Direct Investment and trade to speed up growth and grow the black middle class which was disadvantaged during the apartheid years. In 2015 the two countries signed 26 agreements worth 94 billion rand when the Chinese President Xi Jinping paid an official visit to South Africa which will be mutually beneficial to both parties.

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