Submitted by Leonardo Cavalcante (leo.ocavalcante@gmail.com) on 2018-05-21T14:49:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Arquivototal.pdf: 4601794 bytes, checksum: b5a9da24daf8a1c0730a229abcbb5e1e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-21T14:49:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Arquivototal.pdf: 4601794 bytes, checksum: b5a9da24daf8a1c0730a229abcbb5e1e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-21 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This study aimed to analyze the history and memory of the educational trajectory and political and social engagement of Valdilene Verônica de Albuquerque Lobo in the city of Pau dos Ferros, Northeastern Brazil, from 1978 to 2008. It inquires how did the pedagogical process occur in the political and trade union act in the Association of Teachers of Rio Grande do Norte (APRN) and Workers' Party (PT). It is situated in the field of New Cultural History and has the theoretical and methodological support of studies in the field of memory, biography, oral history and gender, developed by Jacques Le Goff (1990), Maurice Halbwachs (2004), Marie Christine Josso (2010), Verena Alberti (1989), Rachel Soihet (1998), Michelle Perrot (2015), among other studies that articulate the discussions about memory and oral history. Thus, this research was developed through the methodology of interviews with the Thematic Oral History. Some materials that guided the educative practices of Valdilene Lobo in the higher education institution CAMEAM/UERN, as well as her own political engagement material (texts, campaign brochures and some photographs) were used as sources. From the analysis and consideration of the reminiscences of Valdilene Lobo, it was possible to understand the construction of her teacher identity throughout her educational practices situated after the 1964 Brazilian military coup d'état. Thus, her memories unveil the historical context concerning education in Pau dos Ferros. In fact, this biographical research allows us to highlight aspects of the history of education through the memory of an educator, passing through community's political and social events, revealing her educational and political trajectory, and contributing to think about the history of teaching in periods of military dictatorship and re-democratization. / Este estudo teve como objetivo analisar a história e memória da trajetória educacional e engajamento político e social de Valdilene Verônica de Albuquerque Lobo na cidade de Pau dos Ferros entre os anos de 1978 a 2008. E indagando-se: Como ocorreu o processo pedagógico no ato político e sindical na Associação de Professores do Rio Grande do Norte (APRN) e Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT)? Logo, está situada no campo da Nova História Cultural e tem como apoio teórico-metodológico os estudos do campo da memória, biografia, história oral e gênero, desenvolvidos por Jacques Le Goff (1990), Maurice Halbwachs (2004), Marie Christine Josso (2010), Verena Alberti (1989), Rachel Soihet (1998), Michelle Perrot (2015), entre outros estudos que articulam as discussões sobre memória e história oral. Assim, esta pesquisa foi desenvolvida por meio da metodologia de entrevistas com a História Oral Temática. Também fazem parte das fontes utilizadas alguns materiais que nortearam as práticas educativas da educadora Valdilene Lobo na instituição de ensino superior CAMEAM/UERN bem como o seu material de engajamento político (textos, folders de campanha e algumas fotografias). A partir da análise e reflexão das reminiscências de Valdilene Lobo, foi possível compreender a construção da identidade docente da educadora ao longo de suas práticas educativas que estiveram situadas no contexto pós Golpe Militar de 1964. Desse modo, suas lembranças desvelam o contexto histórico concernente à educação de Pau dos Ferros. De fato, esta pesquisa de cunho biográfico permite evidenciar aspectos da história da educação por intermédio da memória de uma educadora, passando por acontecimentos políticos e sociais da comunidade, desvelando sua trajetória educacional e política e contribuindo para pensar a história da docência no período da ditatura militar e da redemocratização.

Submitted by Jordan (jordanbiblio@gmail.com) on 2016-10-08T16:23:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2015_Elina Padilha Fernandes.pdf: 2994124 bytes, checksum: 3286c2645efb730b65d06819dd4b5878 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jordan (jordanbiblio@gmail.com) on 2016-10-08T16:23:58Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2015_Elina Padilha Fernandes.pdf: 2994124 bytes, checksum: 3286c2645efb730b65d06819dd4b5878 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-08T16:23:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2015_Elina Padilha Fernandes.pdf: 2994124 bytes, checksum: 3286c2645efb730b65d06819dd4b5878 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-17 / Esta pesquisa trata da produção do compositor e maestro brasileiro Jorge Antunes (1942- ), analisando sua poética musical e o gesto político de duas de suas principais obras: Elegia Violeta para Monsenhor Romero (1980) e Sinfonia das Diretas (1984). Através destas obras é possível dimensionar sua militância política e artística – empreendidas durante um momento histórico no Brasil de ditadura militar (1964-1985) – e deixar transparecer sua poética musical inovadora e experimental. / This research deals with the production of the Brazilian composer and conductor Jorge Antunes (1942-), analyzing his musical poetics and the political gesture in two of his major works: Elegia Violeta para Monsenhor Romero (1980) and Sinfonia das Diretas (1984). Through these works it is possible to scale his political and artistic activism – during a historical moment in Brazil's military dictatorship (1964-1985) – and must disclose his innovative and experimental musical poetics.

This study aims to understand what drives individuals to engage specifically in mobilizing the fight against childhood cancer in the city of Aracaju, Sergipe, with the field of analysis and research volunteer leaders and not leaders of the Association of Voluntary Service of Oncology Sergipe (AVOSOS) and the Support Group for Children with Cancer of Sergipe (GACC / SE), two institutions that provide social services and which are characterized as philanthropic and nonprofit organizations. The survey sought to identify, through a case study with eighteen participants, the mechanisms and social logics that are related to a type of political engagement. Making use of exploratory research was used to collect and analyze data from a combination of technical case studies designed to investigate the trajectories of social activists and participant observation. The work discussed in the first chapter the history of social practices in Brazil, considering the changes in ways of doing philanthropy and relationship with this new type of political activism. In the second and third chapters are investigated respectively the social characteristics in the various individual agents who conducted the investigation for the cause of cancer, their justifications, meanings and reasons which lead them to invest more intensively in this type of mobilization. The results indicate combinations of variables that involve the political context, elements of family socialization, education, especially religious and the presence of formal and informal social networks. Among the main considerations that we identified that the interest in participating in the mobilization for the cause of cancer, may vary the trajectories and the combination of resources which structure configurations of the political practices of each participant, and the meanings that the engagement will to represent these. / Neste estudo buscamos compreender o que leva indivíduos a se engajar especificamente na mobilização do combate ao câncer infanto-juvenil na cidade de Aracaju, Sergipe, tendo como campo de análise e pesquisa voluntários dirigentes e não dirigentes da Associação de Voluntários à Serviço da Oncologia de Sergipe (AVOSOS) e do Grupo de Apoio à Criança com Câncer de Sergipe (GACC/SE), duas instituições que prestam serviços de assistência social e que se caracterizam como filantrópicas e sem fins lucrativos. A pesquisa buscou identificar, mediante estudo de caso com dezoito participantes, os mecanismos e lógicas sociais que estão relacionados a um tipo de engajamento político. Fazendo uso da pesquisa exploratória foi adotado na coleta e análise de dados uma combinação da técnica de estudo de casos visando investigar as trajetórias sociais dos ativistas e observação participante. O trabalho abordou no primeiro capítulo a trajetória das práticas sociais no Brasil, considerando as transformações das formas de se fazer filantropia e a relação desta com o novo tipo de ativismo político. No segundo e terceiro capítulo são investigados respectivamente as características sociais individuais presentes nos diferentes agentes investigados que os conduziram para a causa do câncer, suas justificativas, significados e razões que os levam a investirem de forma mais intensa nesse tipo de mobilização. Os resultados apontam para combinações de variáveis que envolvem o contexto político, elementos de socialização familiar, escolar, sobretudo, religiosa e a presença das redes sociais formais e informais. Dentre as principais considerações a que chegamos identificamos que o interesse em participar na mobilização pela causa do câncer, pode variar conforme as trajetórias e a combinação de recursos os quais estruturam as configurações das práticas políticas de cada um dos participantes, além dos significados que o engajamento vai representar para estes.

Available literature showed that the Egyptian diaspora (e.g., emigrants who share a common situations and work for the same cause) has been developing and engaging politically in the United States during the 2011 Egyptian revolution. The diasporas’ role was of interest to researchers and policymakers; however, the literature concerning diasporas has underexamined the Egyptian diaspora regarding its proliferation and active political engagement. Using the conflict and climate theories of Truman, and Cigler and Loomis in conjunction with the political engagement factors theory of Jang as the theoretical foundation of the study, the purpose was to explore how members of the diaspora explain and perceive their political engagement in Washington, DC. In this qualitative study, the key characteristics of diaspora and political and social factors of home and host countries that enable and inhibit that engagement regarding particular issues were addressed through 16 in-depth, face-to-face interviews with Egyptian-Americans. Maxwell and Miller’s doubled-strategy and Yin’s case study steps approach were used for analysis. The findings indicated that the engagement of the diaspora except Coptic and some Islamic groups are passive most of the time because of the political home culture; despite that fact, the diaspora became active for a short time because of the Egyptian revolution. Future research should exam those aspects to better understand the mechanism of building an Egyptian lobby to work continuously and effectively on Egyptian interests in the United States. The diaspora and policymakers may use the study results to help improve the role of this diaspora to impose positive social changes in Egypt and the future political engagement of Egyptian younger generations.

This study examines two Facebook groups with the explicit purpose of creating a resistance against the nationalist and right-wing political party the Sweden Democrats. Through qualitative interviews with administrators of these groups, three main themes have been identified and analyzed: the motivation behind the resistance, the role these groups play for their members and the path to an active political engagement online. The theoretical basis for the analysis consists of Becker’s theory on deviant groups, Goffman’s dramaturgical perspective and Bauman’s description of the age of nostalgia.  The study finds that the members of the groups mainly protest against the outlook on people expressed by the Sweden Democrats through their view on immigrants. While an increasing number of people in Sweden express negative views on immigrants, the members of these groups turn to each other online to find a community where their views are shared. The Facebook groups act as places of support, but also as sources of fact-based information where arguments to use in life offline can be found. Anyone who doesn’t sympathize with the Sweden Democrats, and who agrees to the group terms of preserving a friendly debate climate, is welcome in these groups, creating a relatively heterogenous group composition.  The start of an active engagement in these groups seems to have been triggered by a specific event, but the social process leading there appears to consist of a development of a sense of justice through upbringing and earlier experiences. A current life situation permitting time for engagement as well as a feeling of deviating from the views of others in their social proximity, seem to be other important factors resulting in an active political engagement online.

<div><b>The Internet is a technology that has been one that has been transformed American society. </b><b>The role of the Internet had become apparent in the COVID-19 pandemic of 2020 in light of shutdowns and quarantines by the government. </b><b>As a result, the technologies surrounding the Internet have created a space where there are inequalities in which the Internet is accessed. </b><b>As a result, these inequalities affect not only socioeconomic factors, but political behaviors as well. </b></div><div><b><br></b></div><div><b>This dissertation also seeks to explain the political behaviors that are enabled by Internet access quality.</b></div><div><b>I argue that a person's level of Internet access can affect their ideological and partisan identity, as well as political engagement, especially in behaviors such as political giving. I use data from the Cooperative Congressional Election Survey and the 2010 U.S. Decennial Census to test these theories. </b><b>By using a measure I develop called the Quality of Internet Access (QoIA), I find evidence that Internet access has affects on ideological and partisan identity. </b><b>I also find that QoIA affects political engagement positively, specifically in how donations are given to, and solicited by political campaigns. </b><b>I conclude that the QoIA measurement should be flexibly used and research in taking account for Internet access quality should continue as the inequalities of the digital divide still exist. </b></div>

This paper aims to investigate the relationship between political engagement on TikTok and the perceived levels of polarization among first-time voters in Sweden. Since there are many ways to engage with political content on TikTok, a distinction has been made between passive engagement and active engagement with political content on TikTok. On this basis, the two research questions that this thesis intends to address are: RQ1: How does passive political engagement on TikTok relate to Swedish first-time voters’ perception on the level of polarization in Sweden? RQ2: How does active political engagement on TikTok relate to Swedish first-time voters’ perception on the level of polarization in Sweden? With the foundation in previous literature and theoretical concepts, the hypotheses of the study expected there to be a positive relationship between political engagement in TikTok and perceived polarization, with active engagement expected to have a stronger effect than passive engagement. To investigate the relationship, an online survey was conducted in April 2023 with 106 respondents and the data was later presented in a OLS regression. The results found no support for the formulated hypotheses, as there was no statistically significant relationship for either active or passive engagement on TikTok and perceived polarization. Instead the analysis suggests that political placement and engagement with political news in traditional media are found to be linked to perceived polarization.

Bakgrund: Det politiska engagemanget bland ungdomar är stort, men medlemsantalen hos de politiska ungdomspartierna visar en nedåtgående trend med lägre deltagande för varje år. Föreliggande studie fokuserar på partipolitiskt engagemang där ungdomarna gjort aktiva val för att hitta en plats inom den politiska arenan. Syfte: Syftet är att identifiera vad som motiverar ungdomar som är aktiva i politiska ungdomsförbund i Sverige att bli partipolitiskt aktiva, och vad som får dem att stanna kvar. Resultatet kan förhoppningsvis användas som didaktiskt stöd i framtida samhällskunskapsundervisning. Metod: Metoden för studien är kvalitativa samtalsintervjuer med tio ungdomar från samtliga riksdagspartiers ungdomsförbund. En intervjuguide används som bygger på studiens teoretiska ramverk där grunden är The expectancy-value model of motivation theory och motivationsfaktorer för politiskt engagemang och samhällsengagemang, vilka baserats på tidigare forskning. Resultat: Resultatet visar att det är samma faktorer som motiverar politiskt intresserade ungdomar som också motiverar partipolitiskt engagerade ungdomar. Utöver fastställandet av detta samband så identifierades två ytterligare faktorer som fick ungdomarna att ta steget in i och stanna kvar i partipolitiken. Dels handlar det om en vilja att förändra samhället, dels om en utlösande faktor som fick ungdomarna att ta steget in i partipolitiken. Resultatet visar även det komplexa sambandet mellan samtliga faktorer samt betydelsen av den sociala kontexten

The Millennial generation is now the largest living generation. This generation has absorbed many labels, including the one of not being civically engaged. Many news sources focused on their lack of engagement throughout the 2016 election, stating that they were the key to a win in the election. Since Bernie Sanders was the first candidate to capture the attention of such a large amount of the Millennial generation, this research is designed to understand why and provide an in-depth analysis of the thoughts about Sanders from the largest living generation. The data was collected by conducting 15 in-depth interviews with Millennials, ages 18-34, who supported or voted for Bernie Sanders in the 2016 primaries. During the interviews, they were asked questions about their background, their views on social issues, their thoughts on Bernie Sanders, and where they see the United States political system going forward. The final analysis was conducted using a basic thematic approach, which coded for similarities throughout each interview. After analysis 7 major themes emerged which are as follow, (a) they aren't just engaged, they are passionate, (b) political engagement through technology, (c) lost cause, (d) life experiences, (e) generational differences, (f) authenticity, and (g) all lives matter. The findings indicate that this sample of the Millennial generation is far from unengaged. They are very passionate about the lives of all Americans and Sanders spoke to them at a level in which they felt they could trust him. These findings are important for future researchers who wish to understand Millennials importance in the future of our political system.

There has been both praise and vilification of religion's role in shaping democratic citizens. By focusing on individual differences, religious motivations can help explain the complex relationship between religion and good citizenship, especially concerning the important topics of political engagement and prejudice. This dissertation will demonstrate that in order to understand the connection between religion and democratic citizenship, we must consider people's religious motivations. We must go beyond traditional approaches that only consider people's beliefs and behaviors. Religious motivation is a powerful measurement tool providing a richer framework than traditional measures of religiosity when answering a variety of questions regarding democratic citizenship. It is also a unique measure of individual difference with independent effects going beyond measures of personality, open-mindedness, ideology, and religiosity. The goal of this dissertation is twofold. First, it will establish religious motivation as an important measure that can greatly aid our understanding of the relationship between religion and democratic citizenship. Second, this dissertation will demonstrate how religious motivation can clarify religion's relationship with two specific measures of democratic citizenship: prejudice and political engagement. To meet these goals, this dissertation employs nationally representative surveys including a unique survey-experiment to provide evidence of religious motivations' important explanatory power. The findings suggest it is not what religious service you attend, or even how often you attend, but the motivation for being religious that best explains the level of political engagement and prejudice. / Political Science