Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Zenildo Soares de Souza Jr.pdf: 829783 bytes, checksum: 81179922b3e53cad82e691ac998a028c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-12-19 / Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado da Bahia / This work is guided by the hypothesis that the clientelismo, method of organization of the social relationships of ancestral origin, assets stays inside the Brazilian political system, in much more significant dimensions than it is usually supposed. In fact, the clientelismo is constituted in decisive factor of promotion and preservation of the political loyalties, as well as it interferes in the patterns and in the criteria that guide the action of the State. Therefore, the clientelismo commits the integrity of decisive factors for the quality of the democratic system in the country, and it is not limited to a simple malfunction or consequence of certain imperfect configurations of the political regime, nor constituted in exclusive practice of certain groups. The supposition is that the clientelismo corresponds to certain kinds of practices that have, in itself, pre-political and pre-capitalist character, and its more important effect is that committing the possibility of accomplishment of the citizenship decisively in democratic terms, even if this is the foreseen regime and defined in institutional terms for the juridical system of the country / Este trabalho se orienta pela hipótese de que o clientelismo, método de organização das relações sociais de origem ancestral, permanece ativo no interior do sistema político brasileiro, em dimensões muito mais significativas do que geralmente se supõe. Na realidade, o clientelismo se constitui em fator decisivo de promoção e preservação das lealdades políticas, assim como interfere nos padrões e nos critérios que orientam a ação do Estado. Em conseqüência, o clientelismo compromete a integridade de fatores decisivos para a qualidade do sistema democrático em vigor no país; não se trata de simples imperfeição ou decorrência defeituosa de determinadas configurações do regime político em vigor no país, nem se constitui em prática exclusiva de determinados grupos. A suposição é de que o clientelismo corresponde a certos tipos de práticas que têm, em si, caráter pré-político e pré-capitalista, e que seu efeito mais importante é o de comprometer decisivamente a possibilidade de realização da cidadania em termos democráticos, mesmo que este seja o regime previsto e definido institucionalmente pelo sistema jurídico do país

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:52:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernando Ribeiro Leite Neto.pdf: 967360 bytes, checksum: 0e0c0fb29d5b79780b3fd0cb61568723 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-20 / The study intends to identify the institutional relationships among between the executive and legislative branches in the Brazilian coalition presidentialism. The analysis lays its focus on the economic agenda carried on by Fernando Henrique Cardoso in his two mandates (1995-2002) and Lula s first mandate (2003-2006). It is understood that economic agenda can be addressed by Ordinary and Complementary Bills claimed by the executive and approved in the Chamber of Deputies. First of all, the thesis deals with the generic institutional relations among executive and legislative branches within presidential governments (Chapters 1 and 2). After analyzing the institutional and political framework of Brazilian coalition presidentialism (Chapter 3), the study presents the institutional and political dynamics related to the process of executive bills at the Chamber of Deputies. The intention is to address economic agenda s political and institutional features (Chapter 4) / O estudo busca identificar as relações institucionais entre o Poder Executivo e o Poder Legislativo no contexto do presidencialismo de coalizão brasileiro. A análise foca-se na tramitação da agenda econômica dos dois mandatos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) e do primeiro mandato de Luis Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2006). A compreensão do desempenho legislativo presidencial foi apreendida pela tramitação dos projetos de lei ordinária de temática econômica encaminhados pelo Executivo à Câmara dos Deputados. As especificidades institucionais do trâmite da agenda econômica encaminhada pelo Executivo são identificadas em relação aos traços gerais que caracterizam os processos legislativos de outras agendas (projetos de lei ordinária com temáticas social, administrativa, política etc.). Inicialmente, o trabalho trata da dinâmica das relações entre os poderes no âmbito do presidencialismo em geral (Capítulos 1 e 2). Segue-se, após a discussão sobre as especificidades institucionais do presidencialismo de coalizão brasileiro (Capítulo 3), para a documentação e análise das dinâmicas institucionais e políticas pelas quais passam, no interior da Câmara dos Deputados, as peças legislativas da agenda econômica do Executivo. Busca-se, dessa forma, identificar a ocorrência ou não de especificidades no trâmite institucional e político das proposições de tema econômico (Capítulo 4)

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Zenildo Soares de Souza Jr.pdf: 829783 bytes, checksum: 81179922b3e53cad82e691ac998a028c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-12-19 / Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado da Bahia / This work is guided by the hypothesis that the clientelismo, method of organization of the social relationships of ancestral origin, assets stays inside the Brazilian political system, in much more significant dimensions than it is usually supposed. In fact, the clientelismo is constituted in decisive factor of promotion and preservation of the political loyalties, as well as it interferes in the patterns and in the criteria that guide the action of the State. Therefore, the clientelismo commits the integrity of decisive factors for the quality of the democratic system in the country, and it is not limited to a simple malfunction or consequence of certain imperfect configurations of the political regime, nor constituted in exclusive practice of certain groups. The supposition is that the clientelismo corresponds to certain kinds of practices that have, in itself, pre-political and pre-capitalist character, and its more important effect is that committing the possibility of accomplishment of the citizenship decisively in democratic terms, even if this is the foreseen regime and defined in institutional terms for the juridical system of the country / Este trabalho se orienta pela hipótese de que o clientelismo, método de organização das relações sociais de origem ancestral, permanece ativo no interior do sistema político brasileiro, em dimensões muito mais significativas do que geralmente se supõe. Na realidade, o clientelismo se constitui em fator decisivo de promoção e preservação das lealdades políticas, assim como interfere nos padrões e nos critérios que orientam a ação do Estado. Em conseqüência, o clientelismo compromete a integridade de fatores decisivos para a qualidade do sistema democrático em vigor no país; não se trata de simples imperfeição ou decorrência defeituosa de determinadas configurações do regime político em vigor no país, nem se constitui em prática exclusiva de determinados grupos. A suposição é de que o clientelismo corresponde a certos tipos de práticas que têm, em si, caráter pré-político e pré-capitalista, e que seu efeito mais importante é o de comprometer decisivamente a possibilidade de realização da cidadania em termos democráticos, mesmo que este seja o regime previsto e definido institucionalmente pelo sistema jurídico do país

The direct election of the president is political, politological and also constitutional-legal topic which has already accompanied for many years. It appears always in connection with the presidential elections, but also as a part of the parliamentary election campaign. February 2012 interrupted the regularity and direct presidential election was approved. What this step will have impact on functioning of the Czech political system, will turn up in 2013 when the authority will take the first Czech president elected in direct elections. But the majority of constitutional lawyers and political scientists agree that the introduction of direct elections in the Czech Republic is not solving the existing problems, and therefore they express fears how the chase will affect the functioning of the system as a whole. Keywords: direct presidential elections, powers, legitimacy, political system, presidential campaign

Etude sociologique des émeutes en Algérie, perspectives comparatistesCette thèse s’intéresse à l’étude sociologique des émeutes en Algérie. Pour ce faire, Elle tente de comprendre les mécanismes qui président au déclenchement de l’émeute. Cela passe d’abord par une interrogation sur les liens que peut entretenir l’émeute avec les différents contextes, puis par une proposition d’une perspective comparatiste entre les émeutes algériennes et françaises. Ce travail de recherche s’interroge sur les facteurs distinctifs qui expliquent la singularité des émeutes en Algérie, en accordant une attention particulière aux « répertoires d’actions » (Tilly et Tarrow, 2008) qui ont été utilisés par les jeunes émeutiers. Il s’agit aussi de s’intéresser aux questionnements sur la nature de système politique algérien et son rôle dans le déclenchement de l’émeute, ainsi que les conditions sociales favorables au passage à l’action émeutière. Cette étude sur la sociologie des émeutes se situe au carrefour de la sociologie et de la sociohistoire en s’appuyant à la fois sur des analyses qualitative et quantitative. Ce travail est axé sur des entrevues qualitatives menées en grande partie avec des jeunes. À cela se sont ajoutés des entretiens menés avec d’autres différents acteurs et ce, dans l’objectif de compléter notre enquête.Cette étude montre que le contexte politique occupe une grande place dans l’émergence de ce phénomène social qui est l’émeute. Celle-ci tire son origine dans la frustration ressentie par la jeunesse Algérienne au même titre que dans la fermeture du champ politique et la nature autoritaire de l’État algérien. Cette étude a mis en rapport l’émeute et le malaise social découlant d’abord d’un processus structuré, qui commence par la paupérisation et la précarisation des classes populaires. Ces émeutes ne sont pas détachées du contexte social et de cette « frustration relative » (Gurr, 1970 ; Corcuff, 2009). / Sociological study of riots in Algeria, comparative perspectives.This thesis deals with a sociological study about riots in Algeria. To do this, it seeks the comprehension of mechanisms that cause riots. It starts with questioning the links between riots and different contexts, and then it ends with a proposition of a comparison between riots in Algeria and France. This research paper tends to find out the distinguishing factors which explain the particularity of riots in Algeria through taking into account a special attention to “events repertory” (Tilly and Tarrow, 2008) that has been used by the rioters. It’s also a matter of questioning the nature of the Algerian political system and its role in the breaking up of these riots; as well as the social conditions that helped riots to break out.This sociological study of riots can be found between that of sociological history and sociology focusing on both quantitative and qualitative analyses. This work is based on qualitative interviews made mainly with young people. In addition to other interviews made with different categories of people for the purpose to end our investigation.This paper shows that the political context takes a great part in the emergence of this social phenomenon which is riot. This latter takes its origin from the deep frustration felt by the Algerian youth as well as the absence of political participation and the authoritarian nature of the Algerian political system.This study has put an emphasis on the relationship between riots and social difficulties resulted first from a structured process, and which begins with the pauperization and insecurity of the popular classes. These riots are not separated from the social context and what is called as “a relative frustration” (Gurr, 1970; Corcuff, 2009).

<p>The first of the dual purposes of this work has been to describe the research that has been done regarding the root causes of terrorism and second, using a general causal theory and examining the political dimensions of it, to discuss whether or not general causal theories (grand-theories) are helpful for researchers and policy-makers when reacting to social developments in the form of terrorism. The essay is a qualitative literature analysis and I have based my studies on mostly new books treating root causes of terrorism. I have concentrated on discussing international terrorism and how political dimensions may impact the occurence of this form of political violence. The conclusions I have made is that there is no widespread consensus among researchers and scholars as to what really causes terrorism. Neither can the general model examined in chapter 5 be used to predict when and where terrorism will occur next. The author of the model says that different types of political systems may act as catalysts for terrorism, although some democracys are targeted by terrorists and some are not. That strongly indicates to me that there is no strong causality between type of political system and terrorism, at least not between type of political system and international terrorism.</p><p>The above leads me to believe that there is no way of constructing a grand-theory that can explain all occurence of terrorism. There will always be factors that cannot be charted and that no one can predict. If one were to continue mapping the political factors that catalyst terrorism one would do well by looking at the relationship between policy and the occurence of terrorism. What political factors do the countries that have been attacked have in common?</p><p>Instead of trying to manufacture grand-theories explaining why terrorism occurs I conclude that researchers and scholars studying the political causes of terrorism ought to approach terrorismstudies in an intense empirical way, analyzing specific cases in depth. Policy-makers would also be better off analyzing the specific political factors of their time and geographical location rather than trying to adopt a view that all terrorism can be charted and prevented in a universal way.</p>

<p>The aim of this bachelor thesis is to examine the current situation as regarding the political equality in Iran. The method of this reaserch is based on a single-case studie wich grounds in secondary sources. The analysis of this paper is based on fields that concern political equality which in this study will focus on the right to vote, candidacies in the parliament election 2004 and the presidential election 2005. A democracy theory by Jack Lively is used to analyze the political equality in Iran´s political system.</p><p>The Iranian regim is strongly criticized by the goverments in the Western world and NGO´s for the situation of the democracy and the human rights in the country. Despite the criticism, Iran still continues in the same political direction, although the democracy has gained a stronger role in the political sphere. Therefore in this paper I have examined if Iran´s political system is based on political equality. As the evidences show, the conclusion in this bachelor thesis is that the Iranian political system cannot meet all the criterions that are stated by Lively in the theory used and therefore political equality cannot exist in Iran´s political system.</p>

Der vierte Band der Potsdamer Textbücher bringt erstmals den klassischen Text der Politikwissenschaft zum Thema diktatorische Herrschaftssysteme in deutscher Sprache. Juan Linz reflektiert darin die Debatten um Totalitarismus und Demokratie und beschreibt die autoritäre Herrschaft als eigenständige Form politischer Machtausübung. Es ist eine exzellente Auseinandersetzung mit den politischen Phänomenen des 20. Jahrhunderts, die sich durch theoretische Tiefe, empirische Fülle und methodische Klarheit auszeichnet.

Der achte Band der Potsdamer Textbücher beschäftigt sich mit Deutschlands Nachbarland Polen. Beide Staaten teilen eine komplizierte Vergangenheit und die Debatte um die deutsch-polnischen Beziehungen reißt nicht ab. Die Artikel dieses Bandes sollen zu einem besseren Verständnis der Geschichte, Kultur, Wirtschaft, Gesellschaft sowie des Staates Polen beitragen. Ferner wird der zum Zeitpunkt der Veröffentlichung dieses PTBs noch anstehende Beitritt Polens zur EU betrachtet und versucht, einen Ausblick auf zukünftige Entwicklungen zu geben.

This thesis seeks to examine the political and administrative organisations of al-Andalus during the period of the Almohads. It employs close analysis of the sources in order to explore how the Almohad government system worked and to identify the extent of the development and the efficiency of its structures during the period. Each chapter focuses on a specific part of this system. Chapter I examines the founding of the political organs established by the founder of the Almohad movement, Ibn Tūmart, and the reforms made by his successor, the founder of the empire, ʿAbd al-Muʾmin. Chapter II discusses the administrative political system of al-Andalus, especially the administrative divisions of the provinces, and the political structure of the government, represented by the governors and the kuṭṭāb. Chapter III examines the financial institutions and its structures, such as the ʿāmil, the mushrif, and the ṣāḥib al-aʿmāl, in addition to the Almohad sikka and its development. Chapter IV, the final chapter, studies the judicial system and highlights its religious functions.