Politinės sistemos transformacijos procesai vyksta ir šiandieniniame pasaulyje. Tai iliustruoja neseniai įvykusios Spalvotosios/ Gelėtosios revoliucijos postkomunistinėse šalyse. Autoritarinė politinė sistema jų metu yra keičiama į demokratinę sistemą. Politinės sistemos kaita rodo, jog tų šalių visuomenė nėra patenkinta esama valdžia, kuri dažnai būna korumpuota ir represyvi. Panašios politinės transformacijos 8- 9- me dešimtmečiuose įvyko ir Pietų Amerikoje. Jų metu autoritariniai kariniai režimai žlugo ir vietoj jų iškilo demokratiniai režimai, tačiau jie nėra stabilūs ir patikimi kaip Europos demokratijos. Pietų Amerikos šalių demokratijoms grasina vidinės problemos tokios kaip skurdas, nestabili šalių ekonominė padėtis, vis labiau didėjanti socialinė atskirtis, nusikalstamumas, valdžios korupcija ir nepatikimumas, mažas teisingumo užtikrinimas ir pan. Šiame darbe plačiau nagrinėjama Argentinos ir Brazilijos- dviejų didžiausių Pietų Amerikos šalių- politinės sistemos kaita bei tarptautinių veikėjų įtaka tų sistemų kaitai. Abi šalys iki 9- ojo dešimtmečio vidurio buvo valdomos karinių chuntų. Jų valdymo laikotarpiu šalyse nebuvo stabilumo, vienus karinius prezidentus keisdavo kiti. Pačių karininkų tarpe nuolatos vyraudavo įvairūs nesutarimai. Nuolatinė valdžių kaita lėmė ir nestabilią šalių politinę sistemą, kėlė užsienio valstybių nepasitikėjimą Argentina ir Brazilija. Be to, šalyse nuolat vyraudavo ekonominė suirutė, būdavo vykdomos didelio masto represijos prieš... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The transformation process of political system occures in today’s world, too. It can be illustrated by the Color or Flower Revolutions in post-communist states. During those revolutions the authoritarian political system is changed into democratic political system. The alternation of political system shows that society is not contented with present government which is realized as corrupt and repressive. Such political transformations occured in the South America in 1970s- 1980s. During this transformations the political system of the South American countries was changed into democratic ones. But those democratic systems are not very stable and credible in nowadays like democracys in the Europe because the South American countries have many internal problems like big poverty, unstable economical situation, criminality, government corruption and etc. In this work is analysed Argentina’s and Brazil’s political systems transformations and influence of international actors in transformation process. Till 1980s both countries were ruled by military juntas. The rule of military governments were not stable because there were disagreements inside military juntas how to rule the countries. The permanent alternation of governments was the main reason for unstable political system and for distrust of foreign countries in Argentina and Brazil. Futhermore, there were frequent economical crises, large-sized repressions. The authoritarian regimes collapsed when in the countries started mass... [to full text]

Belgium has recently undergone a 541-day period with no elected government following the 2010 general election. This has been called a government and cabinet crisis. This thesis aims to determine what is different about Belgium in 2010/11 compared to past years and what has contributed to Belgium’s difficulty forming coalitions recently. By using coalition formation theory and investigating institutional and sociological aspects of Belgian politics, this research project has found an initial explanation for why the Belgian government crisis of 2010 occurred. Several institutional and sociological aspects are now working against each other and hindering cooperative behaviour among the Belgian political parties. Belgium has become the victim of its own well-adapted and unique political system.

Les analyses sur la concentration des pouvoirs autour du président dans les systèmes politiques argentin et français, occupent une place importante dans les discours juridiques et politiques des dernières années. Or, malgré l'existence d'un constat similaire fait par les juristes et politologues argentins et français, il est possible de parler d'un manque de travaux comparatifs. En raison de cela et compte tenu d'une perception commune de l'existence d'une telle concentration des pouvoirs autour du président dans ces États ayant une structure constitutionnelle différente, l'application de la méthode comparative pourrait être à l'origine de l'élaboration de réponses intéressantes aux questions posées par chaque système politique. Elle pourrait éclairer le phénomène de présidentialisation, qui semble dépasser la dimension purement structurelle-constitutionnelle. Ainsi, la présidentialisation (soit à l'intérieur des pouvoirs exécutifs, soit dans les rapports entre pouvoir exécutif et pouvoir législatif) conduit à minimiser les différences parmi les structures constitutionnelles adoptées dans chaque État / Studies about presidentialization of Argentine and French political systems hold an important place in recent academic and political studies. However, despite such an acknowledgement, there are no comparative studies about Argentine and French experiences. The presence of a similar phenomenon in both countries –presidentialization- seems to prove that comparative method might offer interesting answers to questions posed by the presence of a similar concentration of power around presidents in countries whose constitutional structures differ. Thus, presidentialization appears to minimize the importance of such differences and takes into account the relevance of political systems

Submitted by Edileide Reis (leyde-landy@hotmail.com) on 2013-05-24T13:49:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tenaflae da Silva Lordêlo.pdf: 1393238 bytes, checksum: 8ff40f8bf90e63873a1277040be83efe (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-24T13:49:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tenaflae da Silva Lordêlo.pdf: 1393238 bytes, checksum: 8ff40f8bf90e63873a1277040be83efe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Os canais digitais da Comissão Permanente de Legislação Participativa (CLP), disponíveis no website (www.camara.gov.br/clp), funcionam como meio de interação entre a sociedade civil e o sistema político. Os argumentos e processos oriundos desta interação são baseados em argumentos vinculados as compreensões de valores historicamente construídos. A aplicação de ferramentas tais como fóruns on-line e os processos de captação de sugestões de projeto de leis abre, por meio do poder legislativo em democracias liberais, a possibilidade de divisão efetiva do poder por meio de uma infra-estrutura tecnológica. A CLP através da experiência da Associação de Juízes Federais do Brasil (Ajufe), proponente da sugestão de projeto de lei 01/2001, a qual foi sancionada pelo presidente da republica em 2006 e transformada na Lei 11.419/06, demonstrou uma viabilidade efetiva, da presença da sociedade civil organizada, na tomada de decisão dos negócios referentes à condução do Estado. Assim a CLP se transformou em possibilidade viável para a realização das iniciativas populares, frente aos outros mecanismos de participação previsto na Constituição Brasileira de 1988. Mesmo diante deste resultado expressivo é necessário analisar qual a aplicação que a CLP, instituição do Poder Legislativo, faz destas ferramentas e as possibilidades de abertura para a sociedade civil atuar no sistema político. Tal análise é feita por uma compreensão da relação histórica entre sociedade civil e sistema político, pela compreensão da infraestrutura tecnológica e da própria CLP. A metodologia do presente trabalho é o estudo de caso norteado por um roteiro de perguntas para a coleta de dados, apoiado por entrevistas, documentos referentes a CLP, participação em fóruns e processos de acompanhamentos de tópicos debatidos. Assim os canais digitais da CLP colocam-se na pauta dos estudos de comunicação e política, sobretudo, no que diz respeito à relação das novas tecnologias do desenho do Estado, da emergência de novos sujeitos sociais, dispostos a colocar suas demandas e sugestões diretamente ao sistema político. / Salvador

Por mais de uma década, discutiu-se nas ciências sociais comparadas a efetiva influência da atuação do Poder Judiciário na participação democrática dos cidadãos nas decisões e na conformação das políticas públicas. A esse fenômeno, que se denominou "judicialização da política", atribui-se toda a operacionalidade de uma constituição democrática, cidadã, aberta, capaz de concretizar os anseios de liberdade, às vezes apenas condizentes com valores de um liberalismo conservador. Nossa tese procura, com ajuda de pesquisa empírica, demonstrar a persistente influência dos ranços tradicionalistas de uma classe que, ao longo da curta vida emancipada de nosso país, construiu e permeou, com sua visão de mundo, as instituições políticas nacionais. A atuação corporativa e institucionalizada dessa classe de juristas adaptou-se bem às exigências da ampliação infraestrutural do Estado moderno e burocrático, em virtude de seu legado autoritário, e logrou restringir o alcance das liberdades e direitos civis de um Estado recém democratizado, apesar do discurso apologético às instituições da democracia participativa. É nesse contexto que tentamos narrar a evolução contínua e silenciosa da dejudicialização da política democrática de massas e a politização gradual da corporação dos juristas, que carregaram consigo as expectativas de ampliação da cidadania constitucional. / The effective influence of the Judiciary Branch on citizen participation in political decisions and policy making has been discussed in social sciences for more than a decade. To this phenomenon, entitled judicialization of politics, was attributed the operability of a democratic constitution, open and capable of achieving the aspirations of freedom, nonetheless only consistent with the values of a conservative liberalism. With the aid of empirical research, our thesis aims at demonstrating the persistent influence of traditionalist inheritance of a social class which, throughout the country short existence, constructed and permeated national political institutions with its worldview. The corporative and institutionalized behavior of this class of jurists from the highest court was well adapted with demands of the modern states institutions expansion, due to its authoritarian legacy and aimed at restricting the reach for freedom and for civil rights of a newly democratic country, despite the constant allusions to participatory democracy. In this context we will try to narrate the continuous and silent evolution of the desjudicialization of mass democratic politics and the gradual politization of jurists corporation, which carry alongside the expectations of an expansion of constitutional citizenship.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:20:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 YounusKH.pdf: 1309943 bytes, checksum: 640fb0eda077c881d420cf211f998bec (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-07-31 / The World has tried diverse democratic waves at distinct moments. Some nations have adopted the idea of the democracy for years; others have not yet and other ones are still in a slow process of transition. The field of studies on the Arabian political systems has testified since the last quarter of 20th century a notorious development. This advance disclosed in the existence of a set of trends that has turned around a number of concepts and main theoretical frames such as the political pluralism and the democratic transition and the civil society and its relation with the State. The speech on the process of democratic transition consists in part in the capture and the analysis of the role of the forces and the organizations of the civil society in this process. The peculiarities of the Arab World excite questions concerning the establishment of one governmental system in this universe in the mold of that one that develops with hegemony in the Occident, which has become an interesting field of inquiries for the Political Science. This study comprises the analysis of some aspects of the political situation in the Arab World towards the process of democratization in which Egypt and Lebanon are models of study. Thus the theoretical basis of the term democracy is introduced, presenting different considerations about this expression, since the sprouting of the term until its current conception; later the civil society is analyzed as well as the systems of the political parties and the electoral systems of both countries in attempt to identify the level of democratization existing there and also to find the possible ways to magnify the democratic horizons / O Mundo tem experimentado diversas ondas democr?ticas em momentos distintos. Algumas na??es adotaram a id?ia da democracia desde h? muito; outras ainda n?o o fizeram ou se encontram em um lento processo de transi??o para o feito. O campo de estudos sobre os sistemas pol?ticos ?rabes tem testemunhado, desde o ?ltimo quarto do s?culo XX, um desenvolvimento proeminente. Esse avan?o se revelou na exist?ncia de um conjunto de tend?ncias que tem girado em torno de um n?mero de conceitos e quadros te?ricos principais entre eles o pluralismo pol?tico e a transi??o democr?tica e a sociedade civil e a sua rela??o com o Estado. O discurso sobre o processo da transi??o democr?tica consiste em parte na capta??o e na an?lise do papel das for?as e das organiza??es da sociedade civil nesse processo. As peculiaridades do Mundo ?rabe suscitam questionamentos acerca da implanta??o de um sistema de governo nesse universo no molde daquele que se desenvolve com hegemonia no Ocidente e o tornam um interessante campo de investiga??o para a ci?ncia pol?tica. O estudo aqui compreende a an?lise de alguns aspectos da situa??o pol?tica do Mundo ?rabe frente ao processo de democratiza??o, tendo o Egito e o L?bano como modelos de estudo. Assim, iniciase pela fundamenta??o te?rica acerca do termo democracia, apresentandose as distintas considera??es sobre o voc?bulo, desde o surgimento do termo ? concep??o atual; seguindose para a an?lise da sociedade civil, dos sistemas partid?rios e sistemas eleitorais de ambos os pa?ses na tentativa de aferir o n?vel de democratiza??o ali existente e de encontrar os poss?veis caminhos para amplia??o dos horizontes democr?ticos

Por mais de uma década, discutiu-se nas ciências sociais comparadas a efetiva influência da atuação do Poder Judiciário na participação democrática dos cidadãos nas decisões e na conformação das políticas públicas. A esse fenômeno, que se denominou "judicialização da política", atribui-se toda a operacionalidade de uma constituição democrática, cidadã, aberta, capaz de concretizar os anseios de liberdade, às vezes apenas condizentes com valores de um liberalismo conservador. Nossa tese procura, com ajuda de pesquisa empírica, demonstrar a persistente influência dos ranços tradicionalistas de uma classe que, ao longo da curta vida emancipada de nosso país, construiu e permeou, com sua visão de mundo, as instituições políticas nacionais. A atuação corporativa e institucionalizada dessa classe de juristas adaptou-se bem às exigências da ampliação infraestrutural do Estado moderno e burocrático, em virtude de seu legado autoritário, e logrou restringir o alcance das liberdades e direitos civis de um Estado recém democratizado, apesar do discurso apologético às instituições da democracia participativa. É nesse contexto que tentamos narrar a evolução contínua e silenciosa da dejudicialização da política democrática de massas e a politização gradual da corporação dos juristas, que carregaram consigo as expectativas de ampliação da cidadania constitucional. / The effective influence of the Judiciary Branch on citizen participation in political decisions and policy making has been discussed in social sciences for more than a decade. To this phenomenon, entitled judicialization of politics, was attributed the operability of a democratic constitution, open and capable of achieving the aspirations of freedom, nonetheless only consistent with the values of a conservative liberalism. With the aid of empirical research, our thesis aims at demonstrating the persistent influence of traditionalist inheritance of a social class which, throughout the country short existence, constructed and permeated national political institutions with its worldview. The corporative and institutionalized behavior of this class of jurists from the highest court was well adapted with demands of the modern states institutions expansion, due to its authoritarian legacy and aimed at restricting the reach for freedom and for civil rights of a newly democratic country, despite the constant allusions to participatory democracy. In this context we will try to narrate the continuous and silent evolution of the desjudicialization of mass democratic politics and the gradual politization of jurists corporation, which carry alongside the expectations of an expansion of constitutional citizenship.

The diploma thesis is focused on the changes in the political system of Bolivia .after Evo Morales` accession to the power. The aim of this thesis is to investigte the changes of the Bolivian political system and the changes of its character under Morales` rule. The main attention is focused on the changes of the institutional base of the political system, the forms of governance and the character of the Bolivian political representation. The issue is discussed in the frame of the current Latin American left governments.

The central topic of analysis in the master thesis is the general elections in Mexico in 2012 and their influence on the ongoing reform process in the country. The emphasis is put on the effect of conducted reforms and the extent to which they are influenced by the separation of powers in the Mexican presidential system, the Congress itself, the power of the presidents the role of the political parties, the nature of the presidential systems in general, as well as the civil society i.e. the public. There has been a certain amount of criticism that the new, PRI political strategy is simply a portrait of the so called "dinosaur elite" and it is not working towards completing the needs of the people. The aim of the master thesis therefore is firstly to define the nature of the presidential systems, to elaborate any potential deadlocks and limitations that the system might impose in the reform process, and afterwards to represent the extent to which different factors influence the actual reform process in Mexico lead by the President Nieto. The research question aims to respond whether the current structural reforms are well maintained in terms of their effectiveness and in terms of gaining support from the remaining parties in the Congress, or the situation needs to be approved from another angle. In other words, it is crucial to show to what extent the newly elected political leadership in Mexico, as of 2012, had so far reformed the country in regard of strengthening the democracy, improving the economic situation by reducing the growing income inequality amongst the people, as well as working on the security improvement of the country.

The purpose of this essay is to examine the level of democracy in Tunisia. I will research the challenges to consolidation that the country is facing. I will study between the period of 2001 and 2019. This is to examine how democracy has developed over the years. especially after the Arab Spring. This essay is based on Linz and Stepan's five consolidation arenas. This essay will examine civil society, political society, rule of law, state bureaucracy and an economic society in Tunisia. Zine el. Abadine Ben Ali had been in power since 1987. He was forced to move into exile after about 24 years in power. The governing party RCD controlled the political system in the country since independence in 1956. On 17 December 2010, theso-called Arab Spring began, which meant that Tunisians, for the first time in several decades, experienced a democratic leader based on free and fair elections. Based on the analysis of the thesis, it can be argued that Tunisia is on the way to a fully consolidated democracy, but that there are a number of important aspects in a number of arenas that must be met first before Tunisia can be described as a fully democratic country.