Submitted by Marilene Donadel (marilene.donadel@unioeste.br) on 2019-03-27T21:57:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael_Faro_2018.pdf: 729878 bytes, checksum: 30ca733e782aaa94d6ecf7c5debfa0ca (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2019-03-27T21:57:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael_Faro_2018.pdf: 729878 bytes, checksum: 30ca733e782aaa94d6ecf7c5debfa0ca (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-12-19 / Michael Oakeshott presents the essence of his conservative thinking in an essay entitled On Being Conservative. The study objective was to analyze how conservatism is expressed in the author´s ideas, starting from a brief analysis from what constituted conservative thinking in general, following through how the way that conservative principles appear in the Oakeshott work. It is about a bibliographical review that intends to understand and present the main elements of conservative thinking based on the approach of an author who has been read and divulged in Brazil, because it was able to show that psychologically human beings express conservative dispositions that could, in their view, justify a specific type of political conservatism: to broaden liberalism in the economy, keeping, however, conservative values and traditions in terms of customs and behaviors, that is, a posture that can be defined as liberal conservatism. / Michael Oakeshott apresenta a essência de seu pensamento conservador em um ensaio intitulado On Being Conservative. O objetivo desse estudo foi analisar como o conservadorismo se expressa nas ideias desse autor, partindo de uma breve análise do que constituiu o pensamento conservador em geral, seguindo para o modo como os princípios conservadores aparecem na obra de Oakeshott. Trata-se de uma revisão bibliográfica que pretende compreender e apresentar os principais elementos do pensamento conservador a partir da abordagem de um autor que vem sendo lido e divulgado no Brasil, pois foi capaz de mostrar que psicologicamente os seres humanos expressam disposições conservadoras que poderiam, na sua visão, justificar um tipo de conservadorismo político específico: ampliar o liberalismo na economia mantendo, contudo, valores e tradições conservadoras em termos de costumes e comportamentos, quer dizer, uma postura que pode ser definida como conservadorismo liberal.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2015-06-26T15:51:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dênis Wagner Machado.pdf: 1343078 bytes, checksum: 5d8d1caa23c77082773150b7d29448a6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-06-26T15:51:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dênis Wagner Machado.pdf: 1343078 bytes, checksum: 5d8d1caa23c77082773150b7d29448a6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-24 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / PROEX - Programa de Excelência Acadêmica / Para se construir um mundo melhor, se faz necessário o conhecimento das causas que emperram a sua devida realização. Em nosso passado, existiram notáveis pensadores que se lançaram a tentativa de explicar nossas mazelas, uma personalidade marcante desse esforço foi Manoel Bomfim (1868-1932). Esse acreditava que a educação era o meio de resolução dos dilemas próprios da realidade brasileira e expressou suas convicções em uma vasta produção literária. Desenvolvemos este estudo na intenção de compreender a maneira como Bomfim entendia nossos males de origem na relação com o campo educacional e com âmbito das políticas públicas educacionais. Com esse intuito, tomamos por fontes seu discurso intitulado “O Progresso pela Instrucção” (1904) e o livro nominado “A América Latina: Males de Origem” (1905), ambos propalados em um período de transitoriedade de nossa história. Como objetivo geral, analisamos o conteúdo vinculado nas fontes a fim de percebermos, em Bomfim, qual era sua visão de mundo e qual era sua proposta de solução dos problemas existentes. Nossos objetivos específicos foram: a) fazer emergir das fontes o pensamento político-pedagógico de Manoel Bomfim; b) identificar as principais ideias do pensador nos domínios da educação e da política; c) discutir o projeto educacional de Bomfim na relação com o projeto de nação que ele pretendia edificar. Destarte, buscamos responder a seguinte questão: partindo de seu primeiro discurso e ensaio sobre a interpretação da nação, como Manoel Bomfim compreendia a sociedade brasileira e os males da educação de seu tempo? Articulando texto e contexto, adotamos como fundamento teórico-metodológico de nosso trabalho a metodologia histórico-crítica. A dissertação está estruturada em cinco capítulos: introdução, onde estabelecemos as bases do estudo; contextualização, onde reconstituímos partes da vida de Manoel Bomfim; análise do discurso “O Progresso pela Instrucção”; análise do livro “A América Latina: Males de Origem”; e, finalmente, nossas considerações finais. Entre essas, evidenciamos que o conjunto de concepções que inspirou Manoel Bomfim havia sido na grande maioria, gestada no estrangeiro em tempos históricos anteriores ao dele. Assinalamos também, que, a rigor, qualquer produção do pensador é uma tentativa de relação dos fatos e conhecimentos de seu tempo. Apontamos ainda que as propostas de Bomfim para a educação estavam radicalmente voltadas para a construção de uma pedagogia nacionalmente crítica. / In order to build up a better world, it is necessary to know the problems that slow down its achievement. There were some outstanding thinkers in the past, who tried to explain our woes; one of these remarkable personas is Manoel Bomfim (1868-1932). A man who believed education was the path to solve the dilemmas of the brazilian reality and who expressed his convictions in a large array of literary productions. We developed this study intending to comprehend the way Bomfim understood our original woes related to the educational area and to the educational public policies area. To that end, we used as sources his discourse entitled “O Progresso pela Instrucção” (1904) and the book named “A América Latina: Males de Origem” (1905), both publicized in a transitional time in our history. As a main goal, we analyzed the content in the sources to perceive, in Bomfim, what was his worldview and what were his ideas to solve the existing problems. Our specific goals were: a) bring out, from the sources, the political and pedagogical thought of Manoel Bomfim; b) identify the thinker’s main ideas on the educational and political areas; c) discuss Bomfim’s educational project related to the national project he intended to build up. Thus, we aimed to answer the following question: from his first discourse and essay about the interpreting of the nation, how did Manoel Bomfim understood the brazilian society and the educational woes of his time? Articulating text and context, we chose the historical-critical methodology as a theoretical and methodological foundation for our paper. It is structured in five chapters: introduction, where we establish the base for our study; contextualization, where we reconstitute parts of Manoel Bomfim’s life; analysis of the discourse “O Progresso pela Instrucção”; analysis of the book “A América Latina: Males de Origem”; and, finally, our final considerations. Among these, we noted that the set of views that inspired Manoel Bomfim had been mostly created abroad in historic times previous to his. We also pointed out that, strictly, any of the thinker’s productions is an attempt to relate the facts and knowledge of his time. Yet we observe that Bomfim’s ideas for education were radically turned toward the building of a nationally critic pedagogy.

This thesis traces the intellectual trajectory of Lorenz Stein (1815-1890), a German legal scholar and political thinker who, despite being a significant theorist during his lifetime, is an obscure figure today, especially in Anglophone scholarship. It focuses on Stein's writings on socialism and argues that they provide crucial insights into the changing nature of socialist thought in the mid-nineteenth century. It contributes to the project of departing from a Marxist interpretation of the history of socialism that has long been predominant, and uses Stein's intellectual biography to illustrate how contingent political, cultural and personal factors have shaped both the creation and reception of socialist ideas.

The thesis looks at compatibility of Islam and democracy in a new way. The main method is analysis of political ideologies. A number of models of democracy are identified in both the Western and Islamic context. These are then originally compared in a framework of classification by the source of political sovereignty and political action.

Submitted by Sandra Pereira (srpereira@ufrrj.br) on 2017-05-18T12:22:11Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011 - Bruno Silva de Souza.pdf: 597169 bytes, checksum: 673fbe11f321d737d659d58670ebebdb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-18T12:22:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011 - Bruno Silva de Souza.pdf: 597169 bytes, checksum: 673fbe11f321d737d659d58670ebebdb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-01 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / This study aims to reflect about the Iberians formulations concerning the royal power, stressing the unsuitable nature of the absolutism notion to characterize the question of power in the Iberian anci?n r?gime. Starting from the analysis of the ?good reason of State? doctrine, an alternative formulation against the Machiavellian thought, we intends to point the elements that restrains the sovereignty exercises for the King, especially the role played by the catholic religion in the Iberian political thought in 17 th century. / Esta trabalho pretende refletir sobre as formula??es ib?ricas concernentes ao poder r?gio, enfatizando a inadequa??o da no??o de Absolutismo para caracterizar a quest?o do poder no Antigo Regime ib?rico. Partindo da an?lise da doutrina da buena raz?n de Estado, formula??o alternativa e oposta ao pensamento de Maquiavel, procura-se apontar os elementos de limita??o do exerc?cio da soberania r?gia, especialmente o papel da religi?o cat?lica no pensamento pol?tico ib?rico do s?culo XVII.

In the course of a fairly brief lifetime, lasting only a little over fifty years (1897-1949), Tan Malaka was variously a schoolteacher, the chair of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), a Comintern agent, a political exile, and a revolutionary leader. He travelled the world, living for spells in the Netherlands, Germany, Russia, China, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand. Tan Malaka's colourful life and political career have attracted comment from historians, but there has not yet been an in-depth treatment of his ideas, even though he produced a large corpus of writings and was acknowledged to be among the foremost political intellects of his generation in Indonesia. This thesis is an analysis and contextualization of Tan Malaka's political thought. It places his writings within a series of contemporary debates: on the nature of the Indonesian past and the country's potential for revolution; on imperialism and the post-colonial future of Asia; on the relationship between Islam, capitalism, and Communism; on the reformation of Indonesian thinking; and on the appropriate strategy and goals for the Indonesian revolution. These debates, and Tan Malaka's interventions within them, reveal that Indonesia during the 'national awakening' period (1900-50) was the scene of great intellectual innovation, where foreign and indigenous concepts were fused, adapted and reworked. Tan Malaka's writings provide a particularly vivid example of this, combining as they do the concepts and language of Marxism, Islamic morality, and Minangkabau custom, sometimes in tension, in other places flowing together without apparent strain. Tan Malaka was not unique in this respect, as the thesis shows, which suggests that late- colonial Indonesia provides promising terrain for the 'global turn' in intellectual history, that seeks to understand the circulation, interaction and transformation of ideas across national and cultural boundaries, especially in the non-Western world.

Les textes de Ludwig Philippson, Gustav Karpeles, Isidore Cahen, Hippolyte Prague, publiés dans l’Allgemeine Zeitung des Judenthums et dans les Archives Israélites entre 1848 et 1914, témoignent d’un incessant souci politique. De l’égalité politique des minorités juives et de leur discrimination à la réflexion sur les relations entre politique et religion, en passant par les nouveaux courants politiques du XIXe siècle, tels le nationalisme, le socialisme ou encore le sionisme, nombreux sont les thèmes liés à la politique qu’ils abordent dans leurs articles. C’est le discours politique tel qu’il se donne à voir dans leurs articles qu’il s’agit d’étudierdans cette thèse. La pensée politique des minorités juives en Allemagne et en France au XIXe siècle a déjà fait l’objet de diverses études. Certaines abordent la thématique dans une perspective nationale, d’autres adoptent, comme nous, une approche comparée, en soulignant essentiellement les différences de points de vue entre les deux collectivités juives. Ces recherches partent du principe que l’Allemagne et la France sont structurées différemment, notamment en ce qui concerne les conceptions de la nation, les rôles joués par la religion et, partant, le mode d’émancipation des juifs, pour en déduire que la réalité des minorités juives et leur façon de penser, de sentir et d’agir l’est aussi. S’il ne s’agit pas de nier une certaine influence du contexte national sur lafaçon dont les journalistes voient le monde, la conviction qui anime le présent travail est que les contextes nationaux apparemment différents ne doivent pas nous empêcher de voir que leurs discours politiques obéissent à une logique commune. La thèse que nous nous proposons de démontrer dans cette étude consiste à dire que les discours politiques des juifs allemands et français, loin de former deux discours disjoints et opposés, se sont mutuellement rencontrés et fertilisés pour former un discours largement transnational. Grâce à leurs revues, il existait en effet de nombreux contacts entre les journalistes qui pourraient expliquer, entre autres, les parallèles et ressemblances dans leur manière d’aborder certaines questions politiques / The articles published by Ludwig Philippson, Gustav Karpeles, Isidore Cahen and Hippolyte Prague inthe Allgemeine Zeitung des Judenthums and the Archives Israélites between 1848 and 1914 show a constant concern for politics. Their writings deal with such topics as equal rights for – and discrimination against – Jews, the relationship between politics and religion, the new political movements of the 19th century like nationalism, socialism or zionism. The purpose of this doctoral dissertation is to study the political discourse that manifests itself in the articles these journalists published in these journals. The political thought of Jewish minorities in 19thcentury Germany and France has been at the center of many scholarly works. Some of them adopt a national perspective, others – like the present study – chose a comparative framework approach, focusing essentially on the differences between the two Jewish communities’ points of view. These works are based on the assumption that Germany and France show basic structural differences, particularly with regards to the conception of nation, the role of religion and subsequently the emancipation model adopted for Jews, inferring that the same is true for the Jewish communities, their way of thinking, feeling and acting. While not denying the influence of thenational context on the way the journalists see the world, this dissertation rests on the conviction that it should not prevent us from seeing how their political discourses share a common logic. Its claim is that the political discourses of German and French Jews, far from being disconnected or opposed, did meet and influence one another to form a largely transnational discourse. The mere existence of these journals created contacts between the journalists that could, among other factors, explain the parallels and similarities in their political approaches

Denys d'Halicarnasse affirme dans son oeuvre historique l'origine grecque des institutions romaines. Cette perspectivre, très nettement idéalisante, est le fruit de ses réflexions sur la politique et sur l'histoire. Elle porte également la marque de la période augustéenne, dans laquelle s'inscrit l'auteur. A travers l'étude de la présentation dionysienne des institutions romaines, des hommes qui les font vivre, des valeurs morales qui les sous-tendent, cette recherche pose la question des objectifs politiques et culturels poursuivis par l'historien d'Halicarnasse dans un monde en devenir. Les efforts qu'il déploie pour réduire les différences entre Rome et le monde grec font de lui l'un des premiers penseurs d'un Empire gréco-romain unifié. In his historic work Dionysius of Halicarnassus asserts the Greek origin of the Roman institutions. This strongly idealizing position is derived from his thinking on politics and history and is also influenced by the Augustan era. Through the study of dionysian presentation of Roman institutions, of men who make them live and moral values which underlie them, this research aims to explain the political and cultural purposes of the work. By his efforts to reduce differences between Rome and the Greek world , Dionysius appears as one of the first thinkers of an unified Graeco-Roman Empire.

The main aim in this study is to understand how gendered subjectivities are constructed in political thought in early republican Turkey. In this respect, problematizations on gender, the main themes utilized in these problematizations and the operation of patriarchy in these intellectual activities are analyzed in the study. In doing so, the texts published in eight journals between 1929-1946 are examined employing a post-structuralist feminist theoretical framework, to which clarifications are proposed drawing on the works of Michel Foucault and Hannah Arendt to make it befit the particular aims of the study. It is argued in the study that the political discourses prevalent in early republican era utilized gender in producing utility and docility from individuals and in advancing the population quantitatively and qualitatively. At the heart of the problematizations and discourses on gender differences was the aim of structuring the public and private lives of the individual men and women in such a way that they become politically, socially, economically, culturally and, most importantly, biologically productive. This led to a transformation in the models governing theforms of patriarchal production of and control on gendered individuals and patriarchal power relations began to be modeled after disciplinary power, instead of sovereign power, that is (re)public(an) patriarchy began to become the dominant form, instead of private patriarchy. As a result, new forms of social control and new frameworks for organizing the roles of individual women and men in public, social and private realms emerged.

This dissertation engages a very general question: what matters politically? This question is characterized as a point of heresy, as a site through which different political stances differentiate themselves from one another and account for their differences. Building on the concept of aesthetics of politics developed by Jacques Rancière, I seek to free up this concept’s critical and analytical potential by arguing that different aesthetics of politics act as prerequisites to divergent determinations of political importance. More precisely, I argue that significant formulations of how variations in distributions of political importance occur tend to presuppose particular accounts of the relationships between perception and interpretation, sensibility and understanding, or how we sense and how we make sense. While the concept of aesthetics is tied to particular histories of what has been called Western Modernity, I argue that Western political thought has been characterized by a deep concern for questions of perception since its allegedly inaugural texts in Classical Greece, and that the so-called postmodern condition continues to put into play aesthetic terms of political engagement. To test this hypothesis positing that we always already think of politics aesthetically, I map five influential aesthetics of politics: aesthetics of prevalence, aesthetics of emancipation, aesthetics of temperament, aesthetics of friction, and aesthetics of endurance. Each one is already manifold. To make sense of these multiplicities, each aesthetics of politics is studied through a fourfold engagement with the politics of one of the senses of the age-old fivefold of sight, taste, hearing, touch, and smell. The politics of each sense are engaged along a politological, an artistico-political, a polemological and a hauntological folds. I am thereby able to show the intricacies of how the problem of political importance has been and is being dealt with. / Graduate / 0615 / simonlab@uvic.ca