Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Este é um estudo sobre o conceito de democracia em obras do pensamento político brasileiro publicadas entre 1914 e 1945. A soberania do povo, não obstante impor-se como uma espécie de ideal universal e um dos pilares em que se assenta a legitimidade política na modernidade, longe de instaurar um consenso acerca de seus modos de realização prática, mostrou-se problemática e aberta a uma pluralidade de formatações institucionais, muitas vezes contraditórias entre si. Desse modo, em vez de um debate estruturado entre opositores e defensores da democracia, constatou-se uma forte polêmica no interior do próprio conceito, isto é, em relação aos modos pelos quais seria possível e legítimo implementar a democracia no país. A hipótese da tese é que a polissemia e as controvérsias em torno da definição do conceito remetem ao próprio processo de desincorporação do poder e dos sujeitos da soberania na modernidade: o povo e a nação. Através da análise das obras publicadas no período, buscou-se reconstituir o debate em torno das modalidades de constituição política do povo-nação e elaborar uma tipologia das diferentes respostas dadas ao problema da democracia no contexto brasileiro. / This thesis examines the concept of democracy in works of Brazilian political thought published between 1914-1945. Even if sovereignty of the people impose itself like a universal ideal and one of pillars where lay modern political legitimacy, there is no established consensus about its ways of practice achievement, and this ideal has seemed problematic and open to a plurality of institutional arrangements, sometimes mutually contradictory. In this way, instead a structured debate between supporters and enemies of democracy, it verified a strong polemic inside the concept itself, i. e., about the ways that could be possible and legitimate put into practice democracy in country. This work sustain the hypotheses that polysemy and controversies about concepts definition refers to the process of disincorporation of power and of subjects of sovereignty in modernity: people and nation. Through analyses of works published in that period, we have attempted to reconstitute the debate on forms of political constitution of the people-nation and establish a typology of different answers given to the problem of democracy in Brazilian context.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T13:27:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 797006 bytes, checksum: b8dbe20eea1bbcd327a74023a6568d30 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This research intends to analyze the political writings of Jose de Alencar (1829-1877) with the objective of mapping his forms of thought and his political practice. The first analytical effort focuses on the ideas of the novelist, outlining possible dialogs between Alencar and some thinkers of the political theory (Benjamin Constant, Stuart Mill, Alexis de Tocqueville and John Locke) and verifying to what extent his ideas would find one application limit in the context of the nineteenth-century Brazil. Then it tries to evaluate the praxis of the literate from the Cartas de Erasmo (Letters of Erasmus), considering them as a strategy of political action in the 1860s. It is argued that the political ideas printed on the letters would express a broader set of positions assumed by him along his political career, which would reveal his choice for and his affiliation to the more orthodox conservative political side that of the Saquaremas. Finally, in a confluence between theory and practice, will be highlighted the place of the ideas of José de Alencar. Counterpointing the interpretation according to which the novelist‟s ideas would be out of place, it is argued that they would conform to a specific context of elaboration and would express themselves in a conservative discourse tributary of the Saquaremas‟ model of political direction. / Esta pesquisa pretende analisar os escritos políticos de José de Alencar (1929-1877) com o objetivo de mapear suas formas de pensamento e sua prática política. O primeiro esforço analítico se concentra nas ideias do romancista, esboçando possíveis diálogos entre Alencar e alguns pensadores da teoria política (Benjamin Constant, Stuart Mill, Alexis de Tocqueville e John Locke) e verificando até que ponto suas ideais encontrariam um limite de aplicação no contexto do Brasil do século XIX. Em seguida, procura-se avaliar a práxis do literato a partir das Cartas de Erasmo, considerando-as como estratégia de atuação política nos anos 1860. Defende-se que as concepções políticas impressas nas cartas expressariam um quadro mais amplo de posições assumidas por ele ao longo da sua carreira política, o que revelaria sua escolha e filiação pelo lado político conservador mais ortodoxo o dos Saquaremas. Por fim, numa confluência entre teoria e prática, há de se destacar o lugar das ideias de José de Alencar. Contrapondo a interpretação segundo a qual as ideias do romancista estariam fora do lugar, argumenta-se que elas se conformariam a um contexto específico de elaboração e se expressariam em um discurso conservador tributário do modelo de direção política dos Saquaremas.

O tema desta dissertação é o pensamento político de Nestor Duarte. O objetivo é demonstrar, através da análise do conceito de Ordem Privada, que o diferencial de sua obra reside na ênfase que dá ao político e ao modo como o faz. Formulado inicialmente em sua obra mais conhecida Ordem Privada e Organização Política Nacional: Contribuição à Sociologia Política Brasileira (1939), e posteriormente reiterado em A Reforma Agrária, livro de 1953, o conceito implica não apenas a constatação do privatismo em sua versão mais radical, mas também leva a identificar que o problema central do fenômeno é a constituição de uma profunda organização social, que ao mesmo tempo em que aparece como se substituísse o Estado revela-se o seu contrário, sempre voltada para os particularismos e não para o que é público, mais coletivo. O trabalho baseia-se nestas duas obras, inserindo-as no conjunto da obra duarteana, identificando os principais componentes do diagnóstico de ordem privada nesta leitura, procurando explicar o porquê de considerá-la uma sociologia política e qual sua contribuição e, finalmente, como a reforma agrária apresenta-se como solução para o problema. / The argument of this dissertation is the political thought of Nestor Duarte. The objective is to demonstrate that, analyzing the concept of Private Order, is the emphasis in political aspect and the manner to do what is unlike in his workmanship. Beginning formulated in his workmanship more knowed Ordem Privada e Organização Política Nacional: Contribuição à Sociologia Política Brasileira (1939) and reiterated in A Reforma Agrária, book of 1953, the concept not implicates only in to conceive the privatism in the more radical version, but also conduct to the identification as being constitution of strength social organization that appears as substituted of State and, in truth, reveals his contrary, always destined for particular interests and not for what is public, more collective. The work bases in this two workmanships, placed it in the set Duarte\'s workmanship, identifying the principal components of sentence of private order I this reading, explaining the what of think it as an political sociology and who his contribution en, finally, as the agrarian reformer is presented as solution for the problem.

Este trabalho procura analisar o processo de americanização republicana no Brasil, entre 1889 e 1912. Pretende-se assim, discutir as interpretações dos intelectuais brasileiros construídas em torno do tema do Pan-americanismo, assim como quais foram alguns dos argumentos que contribuíram para o estabelecimento de proximidades e de distanciamentos entre o Brasil e os Estados Unidos e entre o Brasil e os demais países latino-americanos nas primeiras décadas republicanas. Este procedimento possibilitou ainda, compreender as interpretações em torno dos temas raça e civilização, sendo analisadas através do debate intelectual do período no Brasil / This work is an attempt at analyzing the process of political alignment with America that took place in the first years of the Brazilian Republic between 1889 and 1912. Hence, it aims at investigating the interpretations built around the theme of Pan- Americanism by the Brazilian intellectuals of the time, providing a better understanding of the arguments that contributed to the justification of proximities and distances between Brazil and the United States, as well as among Brazil and the other Latin American countries in the first decades of the Republic. This procedure has also enabled a better insight into the then current interpretations encompassing the themes of race and civilization taking place in the intellectual debate of the period in Brazil.

The study examines the thought of Yanagita Kunio (1875-1962), an influential Japanese nationalist thinker best known as a founder of the discipline of Japanese folklore (minzokugaku). The purpose of the study is to bring into light an unredeemed potential of his intellectual and political project as a critique of the way in which modern politics and knowledge systematically suppresses global diversity. The study reads his texts against the backdrop of the modern understanding of space and time and its political and moral implications and traces the historical evolution of his thought that culminates in the establishment of minzokugaku. My reading of Yanagita’s texts draws on three interpretive hypotheses. First, his thought can be interpreted as a critical engagement with John Stuart Mill’s philosophy of history, as he turns Mill’s defense of diversity against Mill’s justification of enlightened despotism in non-Western societies. Second, to counter Mill’s individualistic notion of progressive agency, he turns to a Marxian notion of anthropological space, in which a laboring class makes history by continuously transforming nature, and rehabilitates the common people (jōmin) as progressive agents. Third, in addition to the common people, Yanagita integrates wandering people as a countervailing force to the innate parochialism and conservatism of agrarian civilization. To excavate the unrecorded history of ordinary farmers and wandering people and promote the formation of national consciousness, his minzokugaku adopts travel as an alternative method for knowledge production and political education. In light of this interpretation, the aim of Yanagita’s intellectual and political project can be understood as defense and critique of the Enlightenment tradition. Intellectually, he attempts to navigate between spurious universalism and reactionary particularism by revaluing diversity as a necessary condition for universal knowledge and human progress. Politically, his minzokugaku aims at nation-building/globalization from below by tracing back the history of a migratory process cutting across the existing boundaries. His project is opposed to nation-building from above that aims to integrate the world population into international society at the expense of global diversity.

Over the last ten years, there has been extensive scholarly debate about the nature of settler colonialism and the category ‘settler’. The central problem animating this dissertation is the question of how we understand the position of a settler group like the Doukhobors in Canadian settler colonialism. In 1899 approximately 7,500 members of the Doukhobor religious movement fled oppression in Russia and arrived in Canada with the hope of creating an earthly paradise based on communal economy, mutual aid, pacifism, and an anarchistic theology. Less than a decade after fleeing Tsarist oppression in Russia and settling in the Canadian prairies, the Doukhobors once again came into conflict with a government; this time the conflict revolved around land and compliance with homestead regulations. This moment marked the beginning of more than half a century of provincial and federal government attempts to assimilate recalcitrant factions of the Doukhobor community. A number of tactics including opportunistic land policy, imprisonment, removal and forced education of children, legislation targeting communal property and inducements to integrate into mainstream Canadian society were employed by provincial and federal governments to make the Doukhobors into proper settler subjects. By examining these government attempts to re-make Doukhobor subjectivity in the image of an idealized Anglo-settler identity, this project sheds light on the broad process through which ‘settlers’ are ‘made’ by government action. Drawing on archival iv sources, this dissertation exposes the intersection of Canadian government policy, and colonial ideas, directed towards Indigenous peoples and the Doukhobors from 1899 until 1960. I examine this intersection through the themes of land, education, and colonial knowledge creation in government reports. The dissertation finds that the twin elements of settler colonialism—settlement and dispossession—must be considered as a unified political project. During the period under study there is significant transfer of ideologies and policies between those officials working on the assimilation of settlers and those working toward the dispossession of Indigenous peoples. The dissertation concludes that an important element of the category ‘settler’ is its political nature, and therefore its contingent and contestable nature. / Graduate / 0615 / adam.burke.carmichael@gmail.com

Precis The task of this thesis will be a detailed analysis of the work of František Palacký with emphasis on his political thought. This analysis will be carried out through a comparison with the British tradition of thought, which will be represented by selected thinkers with whom František Palacký came into contact and on the basis of whose ideas he profiled his work and basic concepts of his later political practice. The analysis assumes a thorough knowledge of the work of František Palacký and his British counterparts and the overall philosophical, cultural and political environment in which Palacký became a leading figure of the Czech national revival. The main part of this thesis will focus on the analysis of key texts of František Palacký and British writers who had a major influence on him. We will describe and evaluate this influence in detail in the context of the basic concepts that characterize Palacký's work in its entirety. With this analysis, we will try to deepen our understanding of Czech political thought, František Palacký and his legacy. Methodologically, the work will reflect the interdisciplinary character of Palacký's work and despite its entrenchment in political thought it will also work with a conceptual study of the nation, the national revival, and to some extent aesthetics and...

Is John Locke a philosopher or theologian? When considering Locke's religious thought, scholars seldom point to his Paraphrase and Notes on the Epistles of St. Paul. This is puzzling since the Paraphrase is his most extensive treatment of Christian theology. Since this is the final work of his life, did Locke undergo a deathbed conversion? The scholarship that has considered the Paraphrase often finds Locke contradicting himself on various theological doctrines. In this dissertation, I find that Locke not only remains consistent with his other writings, but provides his subtlest interpretation of Scripture. He is intentionally subtle in order to persuade a Protestant audience to modern liberalism. This is intended to make Protestantism, and specifically Calvinism, the vehicle for modern liberalism. This is seen clearly in Max Weber's The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. Though Weber concludes that Protestant support for capitalism in the late 19th Century is due to its theological foundation, I find that Weber is actually examining Lockean Protestantism. Locke's success in transforming Protestantism is also useful today in showing how a modern liberal can converse with someone who actively opposes, and may even wish to harm, modern liberalism. The dissertation analyzes four important Protestant doctrines: Faith Alone, Scripture Alone, the church and family, and Christian political life.

Thesis advisor: Mark S. Massa, S.J. / Since the publication of Harvard Law School professor Adrian Vermeule’s now-infamous 2020 essay in The Atlantic, “Beyond Originalism,” American legal scholars have developed a renewed interest in natural law jurisprudence’s position in the American legal tradition. Although many of Vermeule’s critics have framed his jurisprudential method as foreign to the American legal tradition, American legal scholars likewise engaged in important debates about natural law jurisprudence nearly a century ago. During this earlier period, scholars debated whether natural law jurisprudence's reliance on deductive reasoning could withstand the inductive and socially scientific methods that became popular at elite American law schools during the 1920s and 1930s. To understand this earlier iteration of debate over natural law jurisprudence, this thesis turns to the life and legacy of William J. Kenealy—a Jesuit priest who served as dean of the Boston College Law School between 1939 and 1956. Although Kenealy has been almost entirely ignored in the historiography, he figured prominently in an attempted revival of natural law jurisprudence that occurred during the early/mid-twentieth century. Terming this movement the “Neo-Scholastic Legal Revival” because of its reliance on Neo-Scholastic understandings of natural law philosophy, this thesis uncovers how Kenealy's religious formation at the turn of the twentieth century, legal training at the Jesuit-run Georgetown University, and wartime leadership at Boston College positioned him well to contribute to the Revival. In doing so, this thesis reveals that leaders in the Revival, including Kenealy, exerted cognizable influence on twentieth-century American legal discourse. Thus, this thesis challenges dominant historical treatments of twentieth-century American legal development that have ignored an attempted revival of natural law jurisprudence that occurred almost a century before Vermeule emerged in the national legal consciousness. / Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2023. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

This dissertation examines the Ottoman grand strategy during the turbulent years of war and reform between 1826 and 1841.The concept of grand strategy utilized in my thesis does hereby not refer to purely military matters. It is rather a notion that explains how a political authority strives to realize its long-term aims through mobilization of its available instruments and resources. During 1820s-1840s, facing grave internal and external threats, the Ottoman grand strategy was directed at defending its existing possessions and re-establishing the center’s authority throughout the empire. To ensure their aims, Ottoman decision-makers initiated a radical bureaucratic-military reform agenda and mobilized available fiscal, military and ideological resources at their disposal. The majority of the existing scholarship tend to interpret the Ottoman reforms in an overly descriptive or superficial manner, therefore neglecting the Ottoman decision-makers’ perceptions, plans, and broader goals as well as the subsequent effects (and repercussions) of those policies within the empire. The “Eastern Question” literature, which is mainly based on European sources, often ignores the Ottoman agency and obscures the rather complex nature of Ottoman policy-making by assessing it within a facile “modernist-reactionary” bipolarity for the period in question. With my holistic approach and utilization of unused archival material, I will contribute to the existing knowledge about Ottoman policy-making and political-military transformation during the era in question. I argue in my thesis that the imperial center consciously, if frantically, responded to the internal and external challenges by tightening its grip around its subjects and making far-reaching changes in its governmentality. Aided by an expanding and diversifying military-administrative bureaucracy, Ottoman rulers managed to collect more taxes, create and expand a disciplined army, limit the power of provincial notables, standardize governing practices and pragmatically used their newly established European embassies to achieve their foreign goals. The social and economic costs of these policies were also immense, as I clearly underline in my study. Many common subjects and members of the higher classes expressed neither optimism nor pleasure about the top-down reforms and state policies. They were heavily taxed, suffered from rampant inflation, while tens of thousands of men were pressed into the new military formations to serve until they became disabled, deserted or died. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / Grounded in archival research in Turkish historical repositories, this thesis examines the Ottoman ruling elite’s efforts to ensure the empire’s integrity and re-establish central authority by military-bureaucratic reform and internal negotiation in the second quarter of the 19th century. Going beyond the standard institutional histories and Eurocentric narratives of the Eastern Question, it explores how the Ottoman sultans and bureaucrats mobilized the empire’s political, military, and ideological resources to achieve their broader goals of reversing collapse and resisting European political-military challenge.