This thesis uses the evidence for a wide range of phenomena relating to the exile of citizens, by judicial decision or through stasis, to investigate the political cultures of Greek poleis in the period c. 404-146 BC: the fundamental ideas about citizenship which were in circulation in poleis in that period. Political communication in the context of exile phenomena forced citizens to make explicit their fundamental assumptions about the criteria for civic inclusion and exclusion and about the extent and basis of civic obligation. Analysis of surviving evidence for that communication thus offers unique insights into prominent Greek ideas about citizenship. This method is applied, in chapters 1 and 2, to laws and discussions relating to, first, lawful expulsion and exclusion and, second, civic reconciliation and the reintegration of exiles; and, in chapters 3 and 4, to the political rhetoric, organisation and ideas of participants in exclusionary stasis and of exiled citizens. Wherever possible, ancient Greek philosophers’ arguments, rhetoric and assumptions are compared with those of non-philosophers. Study of the four different bodies of evidence suggests that most poleis’ political cultures were distinguished by their extremes, paradoxes, indeterminacies and contradictions. In particular, many poleis’ political cultures included very significant, radical norms of civic voluntarism, encouraging citizens to exercise extensive voluntary initiative in political contexts. Moreover, most poleis political cultures were dominated by two coexisting, radically opposed basic paradigms of the good polis and of good citizenship: these are defined in the introduction and chapter 1 as a ‘unitarian teleological communitarian’ paradigm and a ‘libertarian contractarian’ paradigm. In addition to revealing fundamental ideas of citizenship, some of the exile evidence enables study of the effects of those ideas in practice in this period: citizens’ political choices, claims and behaviour in relevant periods of stress, such as a bout of exclusionary stasis or a spell of political agitation while in exile, represent a well-defined and revealing case-study of the multiple, competing effects of those ideas on political interaction. It is argued that the exile evidence suggests that the same fundamental ideas of citizenship were conducive both to civic stability and flourishing and to destructive civic unrest.

Les sociétés musulmanes se sont engagées dans un processus de sécularisation qui reste encore mal assumé ou mal reconnu. Cette thèse s'attache à étudier comment les penseurs musulmans contemporains trouvent ou élaborent des systèmes de pensée qui permettent de penser cette sécularisation. La séparation du politique et du religieux reste encore ancrée dans un dogmatisme religieux que les auteurs présentés tentent d'abattre à travers divers stratagèmes intellectuels. La typologie mise en place dans ce sens permet de mieux cerner les différentes approches : historique, littéraire, épistémologique et rationnelle. Des thèmes sont ensuite abordés qui présentent de véritables enjeux pour la sécularisation et qui en sont une rude mise à l'épreuve. L'Iran et la Turquie sont les deux modèles pratiques choisis afin d'interroger ce processus de sécularisation au sein des sociétés musulmanes / The Muslim societies got involved in a process of secularization which remains still badly taken or badly acknowledged. This thesis sets out to be studying how the contemporary Muslim thinkers find or work out systems of thought which allow to think of this secularization.Separation of policy and religion still anchored in a religious dogmatism which the introduced authors try to slaughter across various intellectual stratagems. Typography set up in this sense allows to surround different approaches : historical, literary, epistemology and rationnel.Topics are then approached which introduce true stakes for secularization and which are a hard bet in test. Iran and Turkey are both practical models chosen to question this process of secularization within the Muslim societies.

Between 1830 and 1914 in Britain a dramatic modification of the reputation of Edmund Burke (1730-97) occurred. Burke, an Irishman and Whig politician, is now most commonly known as the 'founder of modern conservatism' – an intellectual tradition which is also deeply connected to the identity of the British Conservative party. Indeed, the idea of 'Burkean conservatism’ – a political philosophy which upholds ‘the authority of tradition', the organic, historic conception of society, and the necessity of order, religion, and property – has been incredibly influential both in international academic analysis and in the wider political world. This is an intellectual construct of high significance, but its origins have not hitherto been understood: insofar as it has been considered at all, it has been typically seen as the work of Cold War American conservatives. In contrast, this thesis demonstrates that the transformation of Burke into the 'founder of conservatism' was in fact part of wider developments in British political, intellectual, and cultural history in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Drawing from a wide range of sources, including political texts, parliamentary speeches, histories, biographies, and educational curricula, this thesis provides a properly contextual history of political thought. It shows how and why Burke's reputation was transformed over a formative period of British history. In doing so, it bridges the significant gap between the history of political thought as conventionally understood and the history of the making of political traditions. The result is to show that, by 1914, Burke had been firmly established as a 'conservative' political philosopher and was admired and utilised by political Conservatives in Britain who identified themselves as his intellectual heirs. This was one essential component of a conscious re-working of 'C/conservatism', especially from the mid-1880s, which is still at work today.

Tomando como ponto de partida a experiência intelectual compartilhada por Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Roberto Schwarz no chamado Seminário Marx, o presente trabalho constitui um estudo a respeito das elaborações marxistas de ambos os autores a respeito das linhas de força do desenvolvimento da sociedade capitalista no Brasil a partir de sua independência. O intuito de aproximar os dois autores é destacar os pontos de convergência de suas formas de pensar, o que permitiria afirmar a existência de uma interpretação do Brasil forjada nos trabalhos de alguns dos participantes do Seminário Marx. O trabalho argumenta que a formulação da mencionada interpretação do Brasil nos trabalhos dos dois autores foi derivada de uma análise crítica do legado teórico de Karl Marx, processo o qual designamos, conforme a literatura pertinente, de nacionalização do marxismo, e de outras interpretações do Brasil precedentes, entre as quais se destacam as formuladas por Caio Prado Júnior, Antonio Candido, Florestan Fernandes e Celso Furtado. Segundo o que se buscará demonstrar, esse processo de elaboração teórica dos autores pode ser interpretado a partir da noção de crítica da ideologia. Do ponto de vista expositivo, a tese conta com duas partes: a primeira é dedicada à análise dos estudos realizados por Cardoso e Schwarz a respeito da sociedade escravocrata brasileira do século XIX; já a segunda tomo como referência as interpretações dos dois autores a respeito do processo de desenvolvimento e modernização do país no século XX, com atenção especial ao período pós-1930. / Having as a starting point the intellectual experience shared by Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Roberto Schwarz in the so-called Marx Seminar, the present work constitutes a comparative study regarding the Marxist elaborations of both authors regarding the lines of force of the development of capitalist society in Brazil since its independence. The purpose of the comparison is to highlight the points of convergence of their thinking, which would allow to affirm the existence of an \"interpretation of Brazil\" forged in the works of some of the participants of the Marx Seminar. The thesis argues that the formulation of the mentioned \"interpretation of Brazil\" in the works of the two authors was derived from a critical analysis of the theoretical legacy of Karl Marx, a process which a relevant literature calls \"nationalization of Marxism\", besides the influence of other previous \"interpretations of Brazil\", as those formulated by Caio Prado Júnior, Antonio Candido, Florestan Fernandes and Celso Furtado. Taking this in account, it will be tried to demonstrate that the process of theoretical elaboration of the authors can be interpreted from the notion of ideology critique. In formal terms the thesis has two parts: the first is dedicated to the analysis of the studies carried out by Cardoso and Schwarz on the Brazilian slave society of the 19th century; the second one is based on the interpretations of the two authors about the development and modernization of the country in the 20th century, with special attention to the post-1930 period.

[pt] A presente dissertação pretende discutir duas representações distintas da Ibéria, presentes no pensamento social brasileiro, a partir do debate travado entre Simon Schwartzman e Richard Morse, por ocasião do lançamento do livro deste último, O Espelho de Próspero. Entende-se que a representação de uma sociedade é marcada pelo discurso construído a respeito dela. A compreensão de como discursos divergentes competem entre si, aliado à perspectiva de que o discurso é construído e funciona como instrumento de poder, poderá enriquecer o debate em torno da nossa, sempre em construção, identidade, produzindo uma compreensão mais rica sobre nós mesmos. / [en] This dissertation discusses two distinct representations of Iberia, illustrated in brazilian social thought, from the debate between Simon Schwartzman and Richard Morse, due to the occasion of the book release of the latter, O Espelho de Próspero. It is understood that the representation of a society is marked by a discourse constructed about it. The comprehension of how divergent discourses compete with each other, allied to the perspective that discourse is constructed and works as an instrument of power, will be able to enrich the debate of our everbuilding identity, producing a richer understanding about ourselves.

The current president of the United States, Donald Trump, has been identified as the reason for a large shift in American foreign policy towards a doctrine closer to that of political realism. This claim has led us to examine if this transformation could be detected and described if we analyzed and compared Trump’s foreign policy doctrine with his predecessor, Barack Obama, through the lens Thomas Hobbes, whose ideas are at the core of the three modern schools of political realism. Accordingly, in this thesis, we deduce an analytical framework from the original corpus of Hobbes, where anarchy is divided into moral and empirical variables, identified as the primary factors for behavior in international settings. This is then applied inductively via a comparative qualitative content analysis to two primary documents, the National Security Strategies of 2010 containing the foreign policy doctrine of Obama, and the National Security Strategy of 2017 containing the doctrine of Trump. Our thesis shows a large shift in how the Presidents view the world in moral terms, or how they see it fit for the American executive to act on the international stage. And a relatively minor shift in empirical terms, or their perception of the foundational reality of the world system which they both consider to be of an anarchical nature closely connected to the theoretical model presented by our interpretation of Hobbes

Este trabalho é sobre idéia de governo no pensamento político do filósofo moral e do direito, radical político e teórico constitucional inglês Jeremy Bentham (1748- 1832). Após uma breve exposição dos principais temas e questões exploradas, bem como, dos respectivos momentos da sua vida intelectual, argumento a favor de que é possível extrair da crítica política e jurídica de Bentham a Blackstone alguns elementos da sua concepção de governo e visão sobre a política. Argumenta-se a favor de certa convergência entre as posições de Bacon e de Bentham com relação aos projetos de reforma penal, concepção de governo, métodos de investigação e ontologia da política. Também, é explorada a sugestão de que tal convergência pode ser explicada em virtude dos princípios filosóficos similares adotados por ambos. A principal conclusão é a de que a linha de interpretação discutida pode fornecer uma melhor compreensão sobre as conexões entre a variedade de assuntos explorados nos escritos jurídicos-políticos de Bentham. / This work is about the idea of the government in the political thought of the English utilitarian moral and legal philosopher, political radical and constitutional theorist Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832). After a brief exposition of the main themes and questions explored by him and the respective moments of his intellectual life, give evidence it is possible to extract from Bentham´s political and juridical criticism to the Blackstone some elements of his government conception and vision about politics. It is argued in favor of some convergence between Bacon´s and Bentham´s positions concerning legal reform projects, government conception, investigation methods, and political ontology; also, the suggestion that it can be explained by their similar philosophical principles is explored. The main conclusion is that the line of the interpretation discussed can provide a better understanding about the connections among the variety of the issues concerning the government theme explored in the Bentham´s juridical-political works.

[pt] O presente trabalho tem por escopo desenvolver uma análise sobre os três conceitos fundacionais do Estado Novo, quais sejam, Democracia, Autoridade e Educação e como estes foram empregados no vocabulário político do jurista mineiro Francisco Campos. A influência de Campos no direcionamento dos caminhos seguidos pelo Estado Novo era tão potente que o mineiro fora escolhido por Vargas para redigir a Carta Constitucional de 1937, fundadora do regime ditatorial. Identifico, ao longo dos discursos, monólogos e escritos de Francisco Campos, uma teoria onde perpassam, necessariamente, três variáveis - Democracia, Autoridade e Educação - onde, juntas, formariam, para o intelectual mineiro, os desígnios nacionais, que culminariam na edição de um Novo Estado Brasileiro. A literatura política, via de regra, indica que entre Democracia e na Autoridade de cunho autoritário desejada por Campos, há um abismo, dada a incompatibilidade entre os conceitos apresentados. Entretanto, percebo que é através do conceito de Educação que o jurista imagina uma convivência pacífica entre as duas construções. Para Campos, a educação seria a ferramenta necessária para a construção de um Novo Brasil. Analiso, neste trabalho, as influências intelectuais de Campos, tais quais, Carl Schmitt e John Dewey, além de teóricos contemporâneos ao jurista mineiro, como Oliveira Vianna, Gustavo Capanema e Azevedo Amaral. Os estudos de Rogério Dultra dos Santos, Luiz Werneck Vianna, Elisa Pereira Reis, Bernardo Ferreira e Simon Schwartzman ofertam, ainda, importantes ferramentas para uma compreensão mais dinâmica do momento histórico, da metodologia e das interpretações sobre o Brasil. / [en] This present dissertation aims to develop an analysis of the three foundational concepts of Estado Novo, notably Democracy, Authority and Education, and how these were used in the political vocabulary of the mining lawyer Francisco Campos. Campos influence in directing the paths followed by the Estado Novo was so potent that the miner had been chosen by Vargas to draft the Constitutional Charter of 1937, founder of the dictatorial regime. I identify, throughout the speeches, monologues and writings of Francisco Campos, a theory where necessarily three variables - Democracy, Authority and Education - where, together, would form, for the mining intellectual, the national designs, which would culminate in the edition of a New Brazilian State. Political literature, as a rule, indicates that between Democracy and in the authoritarian authority desired by Campos, there is an abyss, given the incompatibility between the concepts presented. However, I realize that it is through the concept of Education that the jurist imagines a peaceful coexistence between the two constructions. For Campos, education would be the necessary tool for the construction of a New Brazil. I analyze in this work the intellectual influences of Campos, such as Carl Schmitt and John Dewey, as well as theoreticians contemporaneous with the jurist from Minas Gerais, such as Oliveira Vianna, Gustavo Capanema and Azevedo Amaral. The studies of Rogério Dultra dos Santos, Luiz Werneck Vianna, Elisa Pereira Reis, Bernardo Ferreira and Simon Schwartzman also offer important tools for a more dynamic understanding of the historical moment, the methodology and the interpretations about Brazil

Esta tese aborda o tema do impacto político e intelectual da Guerra do Vietnã nos Estados Unidos a partir da história da fundação e dos primeiros anos de existência do periódico Foreign Policy (1970-1977). A intervenção no Vietnã desencadeou uma intensa contestação na sociedade norte-americana em relação às doutrinas e práticas de Guerra Fria que, até então, eram amplamente aceitas. A crise foi tão profunda que as principais organizações de política externa, o sistema político, os consagrados membros do establishment e as bases ideacionais e intelectuais que sustentavam as práticas intervencionistas se tornaram todos alvos de profundos questionamentos e, muitas vezes, violentos ataques. A história da Foreign Policy reconstrói este processo a partir de um ponto de vista privilegiado, uma vez que foi esta crise que motivou a fundação de um novo periódico com a intenção de revisar a política externa norte-americana e reformular os paradigmas analíticos em relações internacionais. Além disso, diversos membros da Foreign Policy participaram de decisões da intervenção no Vietnã, quando ainda eram mais jovens, e assumiram ao longo da década de 1970 posição de destaque na elaboração de uma política externa menos intervencionista e militarista (o que desencadeia na participação deles no governo Carter) ou na constituição de novos paradigmas intelectuais em política internacional que transcendiam o tema da Guerra Fria, abordando a crescente interdependência e as novas questões sociais globais. Esta tese retoma desde a Guerra do Vietnã até as propostas de governo do presidente Carter e os novos paradigmas analíticos em relações internacionais a partir da trajetória de membros da Foreign Policy (Samuel Huntington, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Richard Holbrooke, James C. Thomson, Joseph Nye, entre outros). A história deste periódico ajuda a compreender melhor uma conjuntura política decisiva nos Estados Unidos em que foram concebidos os germes da polarização política, da crise do establishment e de uma preocupação política com as consequências domésticas de uma economia cada vez mais interdependente e globalizada. / This dissertation focuses on the political and intellectual impact of the Vietnam War in the United States, based on the founding and first years of the existence of Foreign Policy Magazine (1970-1977). Intervention in Vietnam set off an intense dispute in American society regarding the Cold War doctrines and practices, which had been widely accepted until then. The crisis was so deep that the major foreign policy organizations, the political system, respected members of the establishment, and the ideological and intellectual bases that had sustained the interventionist practices all became targets of profound questioning and, frequently violent attacks. The history of Foreign Policy reconstructs this process based on a privileged vantage point, since it was this crisis that motivated the rise of a new periodical with the intention of reviewing American foreign policy and reformulating the analytical paradigms regarding international relations. Moreover, various members of Foreign Policy had taken part in the decisions to intervene in Vietnam, when they were younger, and during the 1970s assumed a position of importance in developing a less interventionist and militaristic foreign policy (which led to their participation in the Carter government), or in the creation of new intellectual paradigms in international politics that transcend the theme of the Cold War, focusing on increasing interdependence and the new global social issues. This dissertation reexamines the period from the Vietnam War to the Carter president proposals and the new analytical paradigms with respect to international relations based on the trajectory of the Foreign Policy associates (Samuel Huntington, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Richard Holbrooke, James C. Thomson, Joseph Nye, and others). The history of this journal helps to better understand one decisive political juncture of the United States, wherein were conceived the seeds of political polarization, the crisis of the establishment, and of a political concern with the domestic consequences of an increasingly interdependent and globalized economy.

Sob a análise de uma obra escrita em 1572, o De Regis Institutione et Disciplina, e de um contexto histórico-politico crucial para a Dinastia de Avis, nos referimos aqui ao segundo quartel do século XVI, este trabalho tem como propósito esboçar o pensamento político humanista de Jerónimo Osório. Partindo do pressuposto que os fatos históricos, não são meramente ilustrativos, mas se entrecruzam com as idéias políticas, primeiramente enfocaremos como Osório pensava algumas questões que marcaram o reinado de D. Sebastião, como por exemplo: a Batalha em Alcácer Quibir, a necessidade do casamento do Rei e a sua educação ministrada pelo Padre Gonçalves da Câmara. Em segundo lugar, esboçaremos o seu pensamento político abordando temas como: o ofício do Rei, a melhor forma de governo e a ação dos aduladores. Na relação entre pedagogia e política, esboçaremos o seu modelo de príncipe cristão, pertencente ao gênero dos espelhos de príncipes, através das disciplinas necessárias para a educação do Rei. / Based in a work written in 1572, the De Regis Institutione et Disciplina, and in a historic and politic context that is decisive to the Avis Dynasty, we refer here to the second period of the 16th century. This works objective is to plan the humanist political thought of Jeronimo Osório. By the purpose that the historic facts will not be just an illustration, but a meeting with political ideas, first of all we will discuss about how Osório thought about some point that determined the reign of Dom Sebastião, as for example, the battle in Alcácer Quibir, the need of the kings marriage and his education, which the priest Gonçalvez da Câmara was responsible. Secondly, we will plan his political though, talking about themes like the kings function and the best governing form and the actions of the kings adulators. In the pedagogy and political relation, we will plan the Christian princes model, concerning the princes mirror, by subjects which were necessary to the kings education.