This thesis is an inter-disciplinary project incorporating history, philosophy, sociology, theology and political analysis. It looks at highly significant, yet little researched, aspects of the intellectual history of Colombian sociologist and political leader Orlando Fals-Borda, 1925–2008. The thesis reconstructs the early period of Fals-Borda’s career, 1948–1974, and reveals first-hand information about his original thinking gathered from his works, published and unpublished, and vast correspondence (much previously unknown) scattered in five different archives in Colombia, the USA and Switzerland. It establishes the foundations for comprehending one of the central themes of Fals-Borda’s intellectual and political career: his critique of ideology of political violence in Colombia. A basic tenet of this research is that intellectual history, rather than the objective presentation of somebody’s intellectual work within his/her historical context, implies a philosophical understanding of his/her main concerns. Thus, this interplay between intellectual history and critique makes this research far more than a historiography of Fals-Borda’s ideas since it explores his original insight into the complexities of the long-running violence in Colombia. The framework which supports this interplay between intellectual history and critique is Walter Benjamin’s ‘Critique of the Violence’ and ‘Theses on Philosophy of History’. Through the lens of Benjamin’s philosophy about violence and history, this thesis examines Fals-Borda’s ethics of subversion in a new light. Another central tenet of this research is that understanding the past is crucial for understanding the present, and vice versa. Thus, it highlights the importance of the ethical-theological, historical and epistemological bases leading to Fals-Borda’s development of Participatory Action Research (PAR). This approach is especially relevant to the current political situation and debate on democratic participation and socio-economic and human rights in Colombia, in the light of peace negotiations between the government, guerrilla groups and civil society.

In Mexico they are still few studies describing in detail the political violence against women. The aim of this paper is to describe the political violence that have faced síndicas in a State of Central Mexican Altiplano after his rise to office in January 2014. It should be noted that before parity was approved nationally in the selection Candidate / os to elected office, such a mechanism was approved for the election of municipal authorities in Tlaxcala. The agreement by the local election authority that resulted in the 2014-2016 triennium, women were elected in almost all of the receiverships. Of the 60 receiverships in the state, 56 of them were represented by women and 5 men, that is, 91% of this elected office. This circumstance led to changes in the power relationships inside and outside the hall that led to conflicts between the mayor and the ombudswoman, which in several cases were characterized, as noted by the Association of Councillors of Bolivia (ACOBOL) by aggressive behaviors caused physical, psychological or sexual harm against a woman in the exercise of political representation, to prevent and restrict the exercise of his office or induce her to make decisions against its will, its principles and the law. This research describes the strategies followed by the Syndic of Tlaxcala to deal with such behavior. The reflection is done from a gender perspective, ie considering the roles assigned to women generate discrimination and inequalities, which result in differential access to resources, and therefore power. This work was based on several interviews with actors / as relevant (president / is acting municipal and / or were, síndicas, among other) allowing learn about their views, experiences and strategies. I also used the hemerographic review to document the characteristics of the conflict. The findings point to visualize the consequences of questioning the way in which power is exercised in local government, the results of the absence of operational structures for the operation of the law and the need for equal numbers include women in order to build from local democracy. / En México, aún son escasos los trabajos que describen con detalle la violencia política hacia las mujeres. Precisamente, el objetivo de este artículo es describir la violencia política que han enfrentado las síndicas en un estado del Altiplano Central mexicano después de su ascenso al cargo en enero de 2014. Es necesario señalar que, antes de que se aprobara la paridad a nivel nacional en la selección de candidatas/os a cargos de elección popular, dicho mecanismo ya había sido aprobado para la elección de autoridades municipales en Tlaxcala. El acuerdo tomado por la autoridad electoral local tuvo como resultado que, en el trienio 2014-2016, se eligieran mujeres en casi la totalidad de las sindicaturas: de las 60 sindicaturas en la entidad, 56 quedaron representadas por mujeres y 5 por hombres, esto es, el 91% de este cargo de elección popular. Esta circunstancia generó transformaciones en las relaciones de poder dentro y fuera del ayuntamiento. Estos cambios provocaron conflictos entre el presidente municipal y la síndica, que en diversos casos, se vieron caracterizados, como lo señala la Asociación de Concejalas de Bolivia (ACOBOL), por conductas agresivas que causaron daño físico, psicológico o sexual en contra de la mujer en ejercicio de la representación política. El objetivo era impedir y restringirel ejercicio de su cargo o inducirla a tomar decisiones en contra de su voluntad, de sus principios y de la ley.La presente investigación describe las estrategias seguidas por las síndicas de Tlaxcala para enfrentar tales conductas. La reflexión se realiza desde la perspectiva de género, es decir, considerando cómo los roles asignados a las mujeres generan discriminación y desigualdades, que se traducen en un acceso diferenciado a los recursos, y por lo tanto, al poder. Este trabajo se sustentó en diversas entrevistas a actores/as relevantes (presidentas/es municipales en funciones y/o que lo fueron, síndicas, entre otras/os), lo que permitió conocer de cerca sus opiniones, experiencias y estrategias. También recurrí a la revisión hemerográfica para documentar las características del conflicto. Las conclusiones apuntan a visibilizar las consecuencias de cuestionar la forma en que se ejerce el poder en los gobiernos locales, los resultados de la ausencia de estructurasoperativas para el funcionamiento de la ley y la necesidad de incluir paritariamente a las mujeres con la finalidad de construir democracia desde lo local.

This study explored the experiences of Hausa young people in the Jos ethno-religious crisis. It sought to answer the following research question: is there evidence of trauma resilience among the Hausa young people in Jos? If established, further enquiry into the methods employed by the social organisation to make its young people resilient was made. A qualitative study of 32 young people (16 females and 16 males) drawn from the social organisation discussed their experiences during the crisis in a focus group forum. In addition, 16 parents (consisting of 8 males and 8 females) discussed their experiences and observations of the young people¿s behaviours during and after the crisis. Furthermore, focus group discussions were held with some hospital workers (comprising 2 male and 4 female staff) to gain insight into their experiences of working with the young people during the crisis. Five traditional/religious leaders in Jos were also interviewed to share their experiences during and after the crisis. Focus groups, picture drawings and individual interviews were used to capture and illuminate on the young people¿s experiences. The results revealed that there is high level of resilience among the young people. The young people through their discussions and pictures demonstrated that they had faced many difficulties during the crisis, and presented symptoms of trauma, but these symptoms were not severe enough to attract a diagnosis of PTSD and did not require treatment. All the young people reported a great deal of anxiety and fear (100%), and avoiding some parts of Jos (100%); however, none reported increased irritability (0%) and none reported symptoms of hypervigilance or insomnia (0%). However, the pictures drawn by the young people revealed lots of trauma, some dealing directly with crisis and others in different areas of their lives. Girls reported more traumatic incidents than boys. Likewise, the younger age group (7-12 years) reported more traumatic incidents than the older age group (13-18years). Furthermore, all the young people reported engagement with religiosity/spirituality; social support; cultural factors such as the socialisation process; and individual resources to contain the effects of the conflict and to remain healthy. The young people also gave reasons why they used religion/spirituality; most mentioned it gave them confidence, independence and hope. Gender and age differences were revealed. Girls used more emotion-focused channels to cope with the difficulties in addition to religion/spirituality. Boys used problem-solving channels in addition to religion/spirituality. The younger age group also used more of an emotion focus in addition to religiosity, while the older age group used more problem-solving techniques. The results from the parents, hospital workers and traditional/religious leaders further corroborate the findings from the young people. The findings were discussed alongside the literature (Millwood, 1995, Koenig, King, & Carson, 2012, Bracey, 2010). It is recommended that in times of recovery of a post-conflict society, religion and the indigenous methods should be explored and employed to get the young people out of their emotional difficulties. / Yobe State Government

No description available.

Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka diskurser om interna och ”etniska” konflikter som återfinns i representationer av den rysk-tjetjenska konflikten i media. Med diskursanalys som metod analyseras nyhetsrapportering av de två post-sovjetiska krigen i Tjetjenien mellan 1995 och 2009. Uppsatsens teoretiska utgångspunkt baseras på studier av statsvetaren Michael Evangelista (2002) samt antropologerna Valery Tishkov (2004) och Jakob Rigi (2007). Det empiriska materialet består framförallt av ett urval artiklar publicerade av CNN samt två svenska dagstidningar, Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet. Uppsatsen argumenterar för att detta material tenderar att presentera en förenklad bild av konfliktens parter. De väpnade motattackerna mot de ryska trupperna porträtteras som ett kollektivt motstånd från en enad etnisk grupp med gemensamma mål, en bild som ofta står i kontrast till berättelser från ”marken”. Representationer av tjetjener varierar mellan bilden av ”rebeller” och ”offer”, men gruppen beskrivs uteslutande som en etnisk grupp som historiskt har bestått som kulturellt skilda från resten av den ryska befolkningen. Dessa skildringar bidrar till att tjetjeners strävan efter självständighet tolkas som den främsta förklaringen till krigen, vilket tonar ner de tjetjenska ledarnas roll i konflikten. Uppsatsen menar att nyhetsrapporteringen ger uttryck för mer dominanta diskurser om identitetsskapande och krig vilka formar historieberättandet i media. Uppsatsen argumenterar för att diskurser som produceras under väpnade konflikter inte ska tolkas som bevis för till synes naturliga skillnader och antagonism mellan olika grupper. / The thesis aims to examine discourses about internal and “ethnic” violent conflicts as seen in media representations of the Russian-Chechen conflict. Employing the method of discourse analysis, the study analyses news coverage of the two post-Soviet wars in Chechnya between 1995 and 2009. The theoretical approach is supported by the work of political scientist Michael Evangelista (2002) as well as anthropologists Valery Tishkov (2004) and Jakob Rigi (2007). The empirical material consists primarily of a selection of articles published by CNN and two Swedish dailies; Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet. The thesis argues that this material tends to rely on a rather simplistic portrayal of the parties in the conflict. Violent responses to the Russian troops are frequently represented as a “collective resistance” from a unified group with shared aspirations, an image which stand in contrast to stories from the ground. Representations of Chechens varies between the image of “rebels” and “victims”, but this group is exclusively portrayed as an ethnic group which historically has persisted as culturally different from the rest of the population in Russia. Such images contribute to portray Chechens’ drive for independence as the primary cause for the wars, which in turn downplays the role of Chechen leaders throughout the conflict. The thesis suggests that the news coverage is embedded in dominant discourses about identity formation and war which shape the selective process of storytelling in the media. The thesis concludes that discourses which are produced during violent conflict should not be taken as evidence for the true nature of difference and antagonism between groups.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Africa has made tremendous progress over the past decades in its transition to democratic regimes. When evaluating the leverage such an enormous change has, and the haste Africa was in when making this change, the continent has been able to achieve a considerable amount of revision in their regimes. One fundamental aspect of a democracy is competitive Presidential elections. This has however shown to be a problem in Africa as many cases of violent elections have been reported on, with Nigeria’s 2011 elections being the latest example. The focus of this thesis is on the causal factors behind electoral violence in African democracies. More specifically, a comparative analysis of Kenya’s 2007 Elections and Zimbabwe’s 2008 elections is presented. The five possible causal factors under analysis are 1) free and fair elections, 2) international assistance, 3) political/electoral systems and 4) socio-economic factors and 5) ethnicity. Additionally, background information on the history of Kenya and Zimbabwe is presented. The research is conducted around the framework of one of the foremost African scholars in the field, Gilbert Khadiagala. His typology suggests two angles ‘In the first order of causes, electoral violence is the outcome of events and circumstances that emanate from broader political conflicts, particularly in societies that are beset by ethnic, communal and sectarian fissures. In the second category, electoral violence is a consequence of imperfect electoral rules; imperfections that allow some parties to manipulate elections through electoral fraud, vote buying, and rigging’ (Khadiagala, 2010:17). Next to this a discussion on Khadiagala’s fourth wave of democracy is analysed which proves of major importance for Kenya and Zimbabwe to prevent election violence. Not only because of the fact that the contemporary form of their democracies clearly show major flaws, but also because a democracy has proved to encourage socio-economic development. Firstly, the findings suggest that the people are fed up with stolen elections and they are demanding the free and fair conduct of elections. The use of violence is the means to express this ‘demand’. Furthermore, in both Kenya and Zimbabwe, the land occupation of colonizers caused the start of deep social cleavages and ethnic tensions. In Kenya it is concluded that the cause of violence was not purely the flawed election process, this was merely a trigger for underlying ethnic tensions. In Zimbabwe in turn, the violence was mainly sparked by President Mugabe’s government who used extreme means to gain votes. The system was highly manipulated and due to weak institutions and electoral rules, President Mugabe was able to rig the elections. The role of international assistance is discussed and proves to be of little influence towards election violence. In the case of Zimbabwe, no international observers were invited, in the case of Kenya, international observers were invited and present. In both cases violence broke out. The establishment of a stronger socio-economic society proves vital for the development of a democracy. The connection between ethnic, social and economic differences to the electoral system recognizes that further deepening and strengthening of the democratic institutions needs to become a reality in order to conduct more peaceful elections. The elections are far from free and fair and as a result of weak democratic institutions the possibility of rigging is created. With the underlying ethnic tensions and broader political cleavages, Kenya and Zimbabwe proved prone to violence. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Wanneer daar in ag geneem word dat Afrika onder moeilike omstandighede en in ‘n baie kort tydperk, beweeg het van meerderheid autokratiese state na demokrasieë, is dit regverdig om te argumenteer dat Afrika ‘n kenmerkende vordering gemaak het in die laaste dekades om ‘n demokratiese samenleving te berwerkstellig. Helaas, n fundamentele aspek van n demokrasie is die beoefening van gereelde en kompeterend verkiesings. Oor die jare is daar bewys dat verkiesings n problematiese aspek van demokrasie is in meeste Afrika state, meerderheid van verkiesings in Afrika is geneig om uit te loop in konflik en geweld. Dus is die fokus van die studie op die faktore wat bydra tot konflik gedurende n verkiesings tydperk in jong Afrika demokrasieë. Meer spesifiek sal daar n vergelykende studie gedoen word van die 2007 verkiesing in Kenia en die 2008 verkiesing in Zimbabwe. Die vyf faktore wat bydra tot konflik gedurende verkiesings is : 1) vry en regverdige verkiesings, 2) internasionale hulpvelening, 3) politiese en verkiesingsstelsels, 4) sosio-ekonomiese faktore, 5) etnisiteit, word elk bespreek. Ook word die agtergrond van beide die verkiesings in Zimbabwe en Kenia bespreek. Die teoretiese aspekte van die studie is gebaseer op die werk van Gilbert Khadiagala, n hoogs ge-respekteerde kenner op die gebied. Sy teorie veronderstel dat konflik plaasvind as gevolg van politiek konflikte en etniese verskille. Tweedens, beweer hy dat verkiesingskonflik n produk is van foutiewe verkiesingsstelsels, veral waar een groep die ander groep kan manipuleer en waar bedrog moontlik is. Langs dit is 'n bespreking oor Khadiagala se vierde golf van demokrasie ontleed en bewys dit van groot belang vir Kenia en Zimbabwe om verkiesings geweld te voorkom. Nie net as gevolg van die feit dat die demokrasieë duidelik groot foute toon nie, maar ook en meer belangrik, omdat 'n demokrasie sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling aanmoedig. Daar word gevind dat meeste mense eenvoudig keelvol is met ‘gesteelde’ verkiesings en dat hulle begin aandring op vry en regverdige verkiesings en konflik en geweld is die enigste manier om hulle wense te verwesenlik. Ook, in beide Kenia en Zimbabwe het kolonialiseerders n groot skeuring veroorsaak tussen verskillende etniese groepe in beide lande, wat vandag voordurende etniese spanning veroorsaak. In Kenia blyk dit dat dit die etniese verskille was wat gelei het tot die verkiesingsgeweld in 2007 eerder as foutiewe verkiesingsstelsels. In Zimbabwe was dit verkiesingskorrupsie en President Robert Mugabe se oneerlike wyse van stemme werf wat gelei het tot konflik. Dit is aangetoon dat die aanwesigheid van internationale hulp min invloed het op verkiesings geweld. In die geval van Zimbabwe, is daar geen internasionale waarnemers genooi nie en in die geval van Kenia, is daar wel internasionale waarnemers is genooi en was hulle daadwerklik aanwesig. In beide gevalle het geweld uitgebreek. Daar word gevind dat ‘n sterke sosio-ekonomiese sameleving belangrik is vir demokratiese ontwikkling van ‘n land. Verder word daar geargumenteer dat sterk en onafhanklik politieke en demokratiese instansies bevorder moet word ten einde meer vreedsame verkiesings te hou. Tans in Afrika is verkiesings ver van vry en regverdig, gesamentlik met etniese spanning kan dit n plofbare situasie veroorsaak soos bewys in Kenia en Zimbabwe.

The purpose of this study seeks to uncover the relationship between the political objectives of the primary Palestinian political entities, the methods used by those entities to pursue their goals, and the socio-cultural fluctuation vis-á-vis the acceptability of, and participation in, suicide terrorism that has occured as a result.

Univ., Diss.--Uppsala, 2004.

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the degree Doctor of Philosophy: Public Management (Peacebuilding), Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2015. / Nigeria has witnessed a plethora of conflicts and violence especially since her post independent era. Direct and structural violence as well as cultural violence have largely dotted her history. The various nature of violence that have over the years keeps the country teetering at the verge of precipice include, resource-based conflict in the Niger Delta, indigenes-settlers conflicts, gender-based conflicts, ethno-religious conflicts, electoral cum political conflicts and the recent Boko Haram violent menace that has claimed at least 13,000 lives in Nigeria. There have been attempts by government and civil society organisations to curb violence in the country. However, their limited apparent success and the extent of violence underlines the need for alternative approaches to build peace in Nigeria. Building infrastructures for peace is one such alternative. Using an action research approach, the research focusses on establishing peace clubs in four high schools and implementing a programme for a 12 month period. / D

<p>The problem of violent oppression is a persistent one. Every regime - autocratic or democratic - has an obligation to prevent the violent oppression of its citizens. My dissertation "Good Arms and Good Laws: Machiavelli, Regime-Type, and Violent Oppression" uses Machiavelli's understanding of different regime-types and their political dynamics to explore the means by which democracies and autocracies alike can prevent violent oppression within their borders. My exploration produces a standard for praiseworthy political regimes and action, based on what Machiavelli identifies as the people's desire "not to be oppressed."</p><p>Machiavelli's analysis of this problem of political violence leads to the conclusion that all types of regimes are united in needing an interdependent, yet competitive political relationship between their leading political figure(s) and the people at large. Different kinds of regimes vary, however, in the roles that their primary political classes must play in order to prevent oppression within their borders. After using the Florentine Histories to identify the lines of thinking central to Machiavelli's work, in chapter 1 I turn to Machiavelli's discussion of the citizen-militia in The Art of War. In chapters 2 and 3, I detail Machiavelli's recommendations for praiseworthy principalities in the Prince, where Machiavelli actually exhorts princes to arm their people (chapter 2) while simultaneously crafting for them the political ethics for which the text is notorious (chapter 3). In Chapters 4 and 5, I detail Machiavelli's recommendations for praiseworthy republics in the Discourses on Livy, where Machiavelli charges the people with policing the elites that would engage in projects of oppression if left to their own devices (chapter 4) while simultaneously praising elites who help to create and maintain mechanisms of violence (chapter 5). Machiavelli's analysis compels us to recognize that it is the particulars of these interdependent, yet competitive relationships between the people and their leading political figure(s) that define a regime and that our praise of that regime ought not depend categorically on whether the people rule, but rather whether the a regime's political classes effectively cooperate to prevent violent oppression.</p> / Dissertation