A passagem do século XVIII para o XIX foi um período marcado pela crise do absolutismo, pela independência das colônias americanas e pela formação de estados nacionais. Nessa quadra, houve importantes mudanças para a população egressa do cativeiro e seus descendentes, com as aberturas para concessão de direitos em variadas porções do mundo atlântico. No que tange ao Brasil, algumas prerrogativas do âmbito civil eram acatadas costumeiramente pelas autoridades locais desde a época colonial; mas as da esfera política eram concebidas pelo soberano como privilégios, em resposta às missivas de vassalos pardos e forros inseridos em milícias e irmandades leigas. Após 1824, com a vigência da Carta Constitucional, os direitos civis e parte dos políticos foram legitimados para os libertos nascidos em território nacional e seus filhos. O presente trabalho analisa esse processo de transformação a partir do Termo de Mariana, por meio do estudo das demandas judiciais iniciadas por ex-escravos, e que podem ser lidas como reivindicações que geraram ações cíveis. Esses documentos permitem conhecer os comportamentos assumidos por esses sujeitos na tentativa de legitimarem as conquistas advindas com a alforria no período anterior e posterior à aprovação da Constituição de 1824. Os comportamentos políticos dos grupos sociais dos ex-escravos são analisados entre os anos de 1780 e 1840, período que compreende da preparação da sedição de 1789 ao término da experiência regencial. / The passage of the Eighteenth to the Nineteenth Century was marked by the crisis of absolutism, the independence of the American colonies, and the formation of national states. During that time period, the population released from of slavery and their descendants experienced important changes as possibilities opened for the concession of rights in several parts of the Atlantic world. In relation to Brazil, some prerogatives of the civil area had been normally followed by local authorities since colonial days, but those of the political sphere were seen by the sovereign as privileges, in response to the requests made by mulattoes inserted in militias and lay brotherhoods. After the 1824 Constitution, civil rights and part of political rights became legal for free people born within national territory as well as for their offspring. The present work analyses this process of transformation in the Jurisdiction of Mariana, through the study of judicial demands issued by former slaves, which could be considered as requests that have generated civil actions. These documents allow us to see the behaviour patterns followed by these subjects in an attempt to legitimise the conquests resulting from manumission in the period before and also after the approval and enactment of the 1824 Constitution. The political behaviour patterns shown by the social groups consisting of former slaves are analysed between the years of 1780 and 1840, a period which runs from the preparation of the sedition of 1789 to the end of the Regency.

This diploma thesis deals with activities of the Czech ecological organisations which were active in case of nuclear power plant Temelin after its breaking-in. The thesis is divided into four chapters. The first one focuses on the definition of the ecological organisation (movement). In the second chapter, the attention is paid to the history of foundation and functioning of the nuclear power plant Temelin. The third chapter is about advantages and disadvantages of the nuclear power. The last chapter focuses on the analysis of activities of the Czech ecological organisations which opposed or supported the nuclear power plant Temelin.

The thesis deals with media representation of protests in the Czech media. They are anti-communist protests, student, "anti - austerity", anti-Roma and anti-racist or antifascist. The author has used critical discourse analysis on a sample of media texts from 1/2008 to 7/2014 period. It focused on analyzing the labeling of protesters, representing the relationship between the protests and democracy and the protesters and society or "ordinary people". The author concludes that labeling the protesters as well as representation of the relationship between protest and democracy in the reference sample strongly reflects the overall concept of the Czech post-communist identity as the one that emphasizes moderation, but also individualism or rather minimalist definition of politics as limited to the party or parliamentary politics. As congruent are usually presented anticommunist protests and student protests, on the other hand suspicious or problamatic are framed union protests or "radical" or "extrem" protests.

Syftet med denna studie är att med hjälp av modeller om medborgarskap undersöka blivande gymnasielärares syn på medborgarskap och politiskt deltagande i förhållande till sig själva och deras framtida elever. Studien berör blivande lärares föreställningar kring fyra områden; politiskt deltagande, medborgarskap, kontroversiella ämnen och politisk aktivism samt undersöker förväntningarna som de har på elever utifrån dessa fyra huvudpunkter. Materialet har samlats in genom kvalitativa samtalsintervjuer med fyra stycken blivande gymnasielärare utifrån en semistrukturerad modell. De har därefter analyserats med hjälp av olika kärnfrågor och de fyra områden – som presenterats ovan – med ursprung från Isin & Turners modeller för medborgarskap. Kärnfrågor i detta fall är de frågor i intervjuguiden (Se Bilaga 2) som baserats på de frågeställningar som studien bygger på. Svaren har sammanfattats och presenterats i en tabell där varje respondents svar har jämförts med varandra för att synliggöra återkommande mönster och föreställningar. Resultatet visar både likheter och skillnader mellan respondenternas och utifrån detta identifieras en idealtyp för hur medborgaren bör se ut baserat på återkommande gemensamma föreställningar. Svaren jämförs även med Isin & Turners (2002) liberal och deras republikanska modell. Svaren kan inte sammankopplas helt till varken liberal eller republikansk modell utan hamnar i ett mellanläge.

While domestic fascism within the United Kingdom has never critically challenged Parliamentary sovereignty, it has decisively disrupted public order since its roots were established in the inter-war political scene. The violence provoked by Sir Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists (BUF) was one of the stimulating factors behind the enactment of the Public Order Act 1936. This Act significantly strengthened the powers of the police to regulate or proscribe varies forms of political activism. This thesis analyses the legal responses of Parliament, the police and the judiciary to interwar British fascism. In addition, by analysing the legal responses to public disorder from before and after the 1930s, it positions the BUF within their wider historical context which enables this thesis to assess and evaluate consistencies and discrepancies within the application of the law. By enhancing the historical contextualisation of the period with a critical legal lens, the principal forms of fascist propaganda are evaluated, including public processions, public meetings and the wearing of political uniform. It is argued that the application of a historico-legal methodology challenges the perception that the authorities were inherently politically biased. This thesis explores alternative factors which explain why the responses of the legal authorities appeared inconsistent in their approach to the far-Right and the far-Left. In order to critically analyse the police’s decision making process when monitoring political activism, the limitations of public order law and the nature of police discretion itself become fundamental components which offer a more balanced explanation for the appearance of political partiality within the police force.

[pt] Essa dissertação tem o objetivo de analisar a trajetória profissional de Jean Manzon, de modo a tentar compreender as particularidades de seu discurso e de sua estética produtiva. Considerado um dos maiores cineastas em atividade no Brasil, nos anos de 1950 e 1960, o francês Manzon possuía um acervo estimável de curtas-metragens; muitos deles produzidos sob encomenda. Devido ao prestígio alcançado junto a políticos, empresários e figuras públicas, seu material audiovisual era visto como instrumento de divulgação de promessas, realizações e premissas ideológicas. Além de problematizar a respeito do estilo narrativo e imagético de seu trabalho, esta pesquisa também abarca questões relacionadas à conduta de Manzon enquanto publicitário das ideias defendidas em seus filmes. Sua suposta militância em relação ao IPÊS e suas preferências pessoais, manifestadas a partir dos acordos firmados com seus parceiros, norteiam um dos debates centrais deste estudo. / [en] This dissertation aims to analyze the professional trajectory of Jean Manzon, in order to understand the particularities of his speech and his productive aesthetics. Considered one of the greatest active filmmakers in Brazil, in the 1950s and 1960s, the French Manzon possesses an estimable collection of short films; the images are custom made. Due to the prestige achieved with politicians, businessmen, and public figures, his audiovisual material was seen as an instrument for dissemination of promises, achievements and ideological premises. In addition to problematizing about the narrative and imagery style of his work, this research also covers issues related to Manzon s conduct as an advertiser of the ideas defended in his films. His supposed militancy in relation to IPÊS and his personal preferences, expressed through the agreements reached with his partners, guide one of the central debates of this paper.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leticia Araujo Brandao.pdf: 1615355 bytes, checksum: d996c355e9ede6a5d4e46b65725a59c3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-03 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis aims to research the literary trajectory of Ernesto Cardenal, as well as the political consequences of his thought during the period leading up to the Sandinista Revolution, during which this revolution was developed in Nicaragua. Throughout his life, Cardenal took on not only the role of a poet, whichbrought him worldwide fame as an intellectual, but also that of a religious man and a revolutionary committed to the fight against social inequality in his country. In this way, he united ethical-Christian values to the Sandinistacause and contributed decisively to the project of construction of a hegemonic Christian and revolutionary culture that, for ten years (from the triumph of therevolutionin 1979 until the elections that brought the oppositioncandidate, Violeta Chamorro,to power in 1989), gave legitimacy to the government of the Sandinista National Liberation Front. Every trace of his human and literary thought, therefore, can be seen in his role as a formerof opinion in the period when he founded the contemplative community of Our Lady of Solentiname; and during the Revolution, in his role as Minister of Culture. Understanding the faces of Love that emanate in his life and work is, therefore, of fundamental importance for a concrete analysis of the process of formation of an alleged revolutionary cultural hegemony in Nicaragua, a fundamental project of the SNLF government which Cardenalwas part of / Esta tese tem como objetivo a investigação da trajetória literária de Ernesto Cardenal, bem como das consequências políticas de seu pensamento durante o período que antecedeu, e no qual se desenvolveu, a Revolução Sandinista, na Nicarágua. Ao longo de sua vida, Cardenal assumiu não apenas a faceta de poeta, que o consagrou mundialmente enquanto intelectual, mas também a de religioso e de revolucionário comprometido na luta contra a desigualdade social em seu país. Dessa forma, uniu valores éticos-cristãos à causa sandinista, tendo contribuído de forma decisiva no projeto de construção de uma cultura hegemônica cristã e revolucionária que, durante dez anos (desde o triunfo revolucionário em 1979, até as eleições que levaram ao poder a candidata de oposição, Violeta Chamorro, em 1989), conferiu legitimidade ao governo da Frente Sandinista de Libertação Nacional. Cada traço de seu pensamento humano e literário, portanto, pode ser revelado em sua atuação enquanto formador de opinião no período em que fundou a comunidade contemplativa de Nossa Senhora de Solentiname e durante a Revolução, em sua atuação como Ministro da Cultura. Compreender as faces do Amor emanadas em sua vida e obra, portanto, revela-se de fundamental importância para uma análise concreta do processo de formação de uma pretensa hegemonia cultural revolucionária na Nicarágua, projeto elementar do governo da FSLN do qual Cardenal fez parte

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:15:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo Felipe Weinhardt Pires.pdf: 7507914 bytes, checksum: fea7067ceeb10e07b1389d8635b09586 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-06-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This research goal is to analyse how some of the first examples of net activism in Brazilian appear through mobilizations based on social digital networks and how they gain strength as to occupy the public urban space. The study was developed based on two cases that took place in the city of São Paulo: the Churrascão de Gente Diferenciada , organized in May 2011 as a protest against the location change of a metro station in the project of a new line; and Amor Sim, Russomano Não , held in October 2012, in opposition to the candidacy of Celso Russomano as city mayor. We have selected these episodes because they the first two to gather three characteristics we consider essential for understanding the net activism development in the country: both appear within a context of local dispute, with no alignment with global agendas; are organized as decentralized networks with intensive usage of online social networks; and reach its climax occupying the urban public space. The empirical corpus was structured gathering the content posted at the Facebook event page of both cases and the related posts on Twitter identified by the hashtags #gentediferenciada and amorsimrussomanonao . Based on this material, we have analysed the two cases as political happenings , according to Lazzarato s concept, which integrate a context of shock between the strength of contemporary capitalism and the power of multitude, following the term understanding of Hardt and Negri and Virno. In order to analyse the enunciations that form the corpus, we took as base Lazzarato s (2006) concept of plurilinguism and also the essay Linguistic Postulates , from Deleuze and Guattari / Esta pesquisa teve por objetivo analisar como alguns dos primeiros exemplos de netativismo no Brasil surgem através de mobilizações nas redes sociais digitais e ganham força a ponto de tomar o espaço urbano, identificando como se dá a produção de sentidos no conteúdo on-line relativo a eles. O estudo foi desenvolvido a partir de dois casos ocorridos na cidade de São Paulo: o Churrascão de Gente Diferenciada , organizado em maio de 2011, para se opor à mudança de localização de uma estação de metro no projeto de uma nova linha; e a mobilização Amor Sim, Russomano Não , realizada em outubro de 2012, em oposição ao candidato à prefeitura de São Paulo, Celso Russomano. Selecionamos estes dois episódios por terem sido os dois primeiros a reunir três características que nos parecem essenciais para o entendimento no net-ativismo no país: ambos surgem num contexto de disputas locais, sem um alinhamento objetivo com pautas globais; são organizados em rede, de forma descentralizada e com intenso uso das redes sociais digitais; e tem como ápice a ocupação do espaço público. Construímos o corpus empírico deste trabalho reunindo o conteúdo postado nas páginas desses eventos no Facebook, juntamente com os posts a eles relacionados identificados através da ferramenta de busca do Twitter. A partir desse material, analisamos esses dois eventos identificando-os como acontecimentos , segundo o conceito de Lazzarato, inseridos num contexto de embate entre a força do capitalismo contemporâneo e a potência da multidão , conforme o entendimento do termo proposto por Hardt e Negri e Virno. Para realizar a análise dos enunciados que formam o corpus, nos apoiamos no entendimento de plurilingüismo de Lazzarato e também no ensaio Postulados da Linguística , de Deleuze e Guattari

This case study investigates gender-sensitive institutional reforms in post-war Liberia. It applies key concepts developed by the Research Network on Gender Politics and the State to explore the extent to which the emergent theory of state feminism might be applicable to countries outside of the West. Preliminary findings suggest that Liberia is a feminist state insofar as both the women’s machinery and the Sirleaf Administration are allied with feminist and women’s movement actors outside the state, and that they grant these actors access to policymaking fora. Policy content also appears to reflect many of the goals identified by women’s movement actors. However, given the lack of state capacity and the degree of state penetration by international organizations, it is difficult to determine the drivers of ostensibly state-led gender equity initiatives in the country. Because multi-level governance is the norm in areas where the capacity of the state is severely circumscribed, this research introduces the concept of “supra-state feminism” to demonstrate the major limitation of state feminist theory in Liberia. This notion of feminist policy transfer in areas of limited statehood adds to the comparative literature on engendering political transitions in sub-Saharan Africa.

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