Although political dissent is an idea that perennially receives much public attention, its standing in the academic literature is relatively slight. Very few thinkers engage the idea of dissent outside of its manifestation as an illegal action, and ever fewer dedicate any time to understanding the idea conceptually. A substantial portion of my dissertation aims to address this conspicuous gap. In the remaining portion, I advance a normative claim. My claim is that the very same justificatory considerations that pertain to illegal acts of dissent pertain as well to those acts that ought to be legally protected by a citizen’s right to dissent. Put more simply, I argue that whether or not a dissenting action is done within, or outside of, the law is of no normative effect. The upshot of this argument is that it places the burden on agents to be responsible for all the dissenting actions they undertake. This is so regardless of whether or not those actions find institutional shelter. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

The human rights that are defended in libertarian literature tend to be limited in scope, which entails that the duties that people can be compelled to fulfil are similarly minimal. For this reason a commitment to libertarianism tends to be seen as incompatible with support for subsistence rights, enforceable positive duties, and redistributive taxation, since each one of these issues may require the infringement of libertarian property rights. In this thesis I aim to challenge these assumptions about libertarianism and to show that if a more plausible reading of libertarianism is adopted – what has come to be known as left-libertarianism – then this will generate a more substantial range of rights and correlative duties which are not only compatible with redistributive taxation, but in fact entail it. I show that libertarianism, despite its contention that human rights are exclusively negative, does not rule out subsistence rights provided that these are understood as negative rights, for example: a right not to be deprived of the means of subsistence, or deprived of a clean living environment. Negative rights can be violated not only by individuals or by institutions, but also by individuals supporting institutions. In order to respect the negative rights of others it is necessary to refrain from supporting or contributing to institutions that violate these rights. Moreover, failure to respect these rights brings about a positive duty of rectification, demonstrating the potential for positive libertarian duties even in the absence of positive rights. Since the manner in which rights can be violated is extensive, so is the scope of those individuals that owe rectification. The fundamental libertarian rights of self-ownership, which I characterise as three property rights – over the body, over the faculties (including talents, abilities and labour) and over what one can produce through exercising those faculties in conjunction with the body – demonstrate how we can come to have property rights over external objects, but self-ownership does not confer permanent private property rights over unlimited external worldly resources. In fact, a robust right of self-ownership is incompatible with the radically inegalitarian appropriation with which libertarianism is ordinarily associated. Given the equal rights of selfownership of every individual, it is far more plausible to conceive of the world as held in some egalitarian manner, rather than as unowned and available for appropriation in such a way that would disadvantage latecomers. I propose an egalitarian understanding of world ownership which comprises common ownership of land, and joint ownership of other external worldly resources such as oil and minerals. Taking the injustice of radically inegalitarian appropriation in conjunction with a duty to rectify past injustices, there follows a libertarian argument for redistribution, but crucially this redistributive taxation is collected not on income but on natural resource use. On a left-libertarian theory of rights, then, there is no right to appropriate unlimited resources, but there is a right to redistribution in the event of past injustices, including the misappropriation of worldly resources.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / Este trabalho aborda o movimento social organizado pela comunidade quilombola de ConceiÃÃo das Crioulas, localizada no municÃpio de Salgueiro, sertÃo central de Pernambuco. Trata-se de um grupo de negros e negras cujas origens, segundo a tradiÃÃo local, remontam ao final do sÃculo XVIII/inÃcio do XIX, e tem como referÃncia central a aquisiÃÃo e posse daquelas terras por âseis crioulasâ. O foco dessa investigaÃÃo foram os sujeitos polÃticos daquela comunidade, no seu cotidiano, na formaÃÃo polÃtica e na atuaÃÃo dos mesmos dentro do movimento. Nesse sentido busquei analisar como ocorre a constituiÃÃo do sujeito coletivo movimento social quilombola na luta por direitos na comunidade de ConceiÃÃo das Crioulas. Ademais, busquei compreender o processo de construÃÃo da identidade Ãtnica do grupo, as questÃes de gÃnero, o desenvolvimento das relaÃÃes socais, polÃticas e econÃmicas na comunidade e quais os principais direitos reclamados pelos quilombolas. Trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa de carÃter etnogrÃfico, cuja anÃlise do objeto proposto foi feita a partir de entrevistas semiestruturadas e abertas com lideranÃas polÃticas - novas e veteranas - da comunidade e das informaÃÃes obtidas com as pessoas idosas, atravÃs do mÃtodo da histÃria oral, acrescida da pesquisa documental. Utilizei-me, ainda, do aparato jurÃdico que a legislaÃÃo brasileira dispÃe sobre os direitos quilombolas e enfatizei a interpretaÃÃo que os sujeitos desses direitos fazem dos mesmos. A base teÃrica da pesquisa sÃo as categorias analÃticas: movimentos sociais, polÃtica, campos polÃticos, cultura, identidade e direitos. Tanto na observaÃÃo participante como nas narrativas dos entrevistados observei que a luta pela terra tem lugar principal entre as reivindicaÃÃes do movimento, bem como, o valor que atribuem à terra tem um significado especÃfico: lugar de histÃria, memÃria, preservaÃÃo de cultura e construÃÃo de identidade. A formaÃÃo das lideranÃas acontece na educaÃÃo escolar e dentro do prÃprio movimento, nos eventos, nas reivindicaÃÃes, na luta; ao mesmo tempo em que ocorre o aprendizado dos diretos. Os resultados da pesquisa concluem que o sujeito coletivo movimento social quilombola se constitui nas aÃÃes polÃticas dos quilombolas ao defenderem seus direitos especÃficos, enquanto habitantes de uma comunidade de quilombo, e outros direitos de cidadania. / This research deals with the social movement organized by the quilombola community ConceiÃÃo das Crioulas, located in Salgueiro, a hinterland city in the state of Pernambuco. Itâs a group of black men and women whose origins, according to local tradition, come from the end of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th, and has as a mean reference the acquisition and possession of those land by six black women (crioulas). The focus of this investigation was the political individuals from that community, in their daily life, political formation and in the performance within the movement. Accordingly, I searched to analyze how the establishment of the collective subject of quilombola social movement fighting for rights in the ConceiÃÃo das Crioulas community. Beyond, I searched to understand the construction of ethnic identify of the group, the gender issues, the development of social, politic and economic relationships and what are the mean rights claimed by the people. It deals with qualitative study ethnographic, whose analysis of the proposed object came from semi-structured and open interviews with old and mew political leaders of this community and information obtained by older, through the oral history method, adding a documentary research. I used the legal apparatus that the Brazilian laws provide about the quilombolasâ rights and I highlighted the way that they interpret their rights. The theoritical grounding of the analytical categories: social movements, political, culture identify and rights. Both the observation and the narratives of the interviewees I realized that struggle for land has a mean place among the demands of the movement, as well as the value that they attribute to the land has a specific meaning: a historic place, memories, preservation of culture and construction of a identify. The formation of the leaderships happens by instruction and within the movement, at events, claims, struggle, at the same time occurs the learning of the their rights. The conclusion of this search is that the collective subject of this quilombola social movement is established in political actions by quilombolas (black men and women) are defending their specific rights, while live in a quilombo community, and others citizenship rights

LEITE, Maria Jorge dos Santos. Movimentos sociais e processos educativos: a constituição do sujeito coletivo na luta por direitos na Comunidade de Conceição das Crioulas. 2012. 297 f. Tese (Doutorado em Educação) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Faculdade de Educação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação Brasileira Fortaleza-CE, 2012. / Submitted by Liliane oliveira (morena.liliane@hotmail.com) on 2012-08-08T12:49:00Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2012_TESE_MJSLEITE.pdf: 1813312 bytes, checksum: 0e22f898db227d5767d142ecc42389d1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2013-09-23T16:28:58Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2012_TESE_MJSLEITE.pdf: 1813312 bytes, checksum: 0e22f898db227d5767d142ecc42389d1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-09-23T16:28:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2012_TESE_MJSLEITE.pdf: 1813312 bytes, checksum: 0e22f898db227d5767d142ecc42389d1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / This research deals with the social movement organized by the quilombola community Conceição das Crioulas, located in Salgueiro, a hinterland city in the state of Pernambuco. It’s a group of black men and women whose origins, according to local tradition, come from the end of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th, and has as a mean reference the acquisition and possession of those land by six black women (crioulas). The focus of this investigation was the political individuals from that community, in their daily life, political formation and in the performance within the movement. Accordingly, I searched to analyze how the establishment of the collective subject of quilombola social movement fighting for rights in the Conceição das Crioulas community. Beyond, I searched to understand the construction of ethnic identify of the group, the gender issues, the development of social, politic and economic relationships and what are the mean rights claimed by the people. It deals with qualitative study ethnographic, whose analysis of the proposed object came from semi-structured and open interviews with old and mew political leaders of this community and information obtained by older, through the oral history method, adding a documentary research. I used the legal apparatus that the Brazilian laws provide about the quilombolas’ rights and I highlighted the way that they interpret their rights. The theoritical grounding of the analytical categories: social movements, political, culture identify and rights. Both the observation and the narratives of the interviewees I realized that struggle for land has a mean place among the demands of the movement, as well as the value that they attribute to the land has a specific meaning: a historic place, memories, preservation of culture and construction of a identify. The formation of the leaderships happens by instruction and within the movement, at events, claims, struggle, at the same time occurs the learning of the their rights. The conclusion of this search is that the collective subject of this quilombola social movement is established in political actions by quilombolas (black men and women) are defending their specific rights, while live in a quilombo community, and others citizenship rights / Este trabalho aborda o movimento social organizado pela comunidade quilombola de Conceição das Crioulas, localizada no município de Salgueiro, sertão central de Pernambuco. Trata-se de um grupo de negros e negras cujas origens, segundo a tradição local, remontam ao final do século XVIII/início do XIX, e tem como referência central a aquisição e posse daquelas terras por “seis crioulas”. O foco dessa investigação foram os sujeitos políticos daquela comunidade, no seu cotidiano, na formação política e na atuação dos mesmos dentro do movimento. Nesse sentido busquei analisar como ocorre a constituição do sujeito coletivo movimento social quilombola na luta por direitos na comunidade de Conceição das Crioulas. Ademais, busquei compreender o processo de construção da identidade étnica do grupo, as questões de gênero, o desenvolvimento das relações socais, políticas e econômicas na comunidade e quais os principais direitos reclamados pelos quilombolas. Trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa de caráter etnográfico, cuja análise do objeto proposto foi feita a partir de entrevistas semiestruturadas e abertas com lideranças políticas - novas e veteranas - da comunidade e das informações obtidas com as pessoas idosas, através do método da história oral, acrescida da pesquisa documental. Utilizei-me, ainda, do aparato jurídico que a legislação brasileira dispõe sobre os direitos quilombolas e enfatizei a interpretação que os sujeitos desses direitos fazem dos mesmos. A base teórica da pesquisa são as categorias analíticas: movimentos sociais, política, campos políticos, cultura, identidade e direitos. Tanto na observação participante como nas narrativas dos entrevistados observei que a luta pela terra tem lugar principal entre as reivindicações do movimento, bem como, o valor que atribuem à terra tem um significado específico: lugar de história, memória, preservação de cultura e construção de identidade. A formação das lideranças acontece na educação escolar e dentro do próprio movimento, nos eventos, nas reivindicações, na luta; ao mesmo tempo em que ocorre o aprendizado dos diretos. Os resultados da pesquisa concluem que o sujeito coletivo movimento social quilombola se constitui nas ações políticas dos quilombolas ao defenderem seus direitos específicos, enquanto habitantes de uma comunidade de quilombo, e outros direitos de cidadania