No description available.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Adelaide, Discipline of Anthropology, 1993. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [286]-293).

No description available.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2007. / Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 246-264). Also available online in Scholars' Bank; and in ProQuest, free to University of Oregon users.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--UCLA, 2009. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 289-313).

Thesis (M.A.)--York University, 2005. Graduate Programme in Social Anthropology. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 179-188). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url%5Fver=Z39.88-2004&res%5Fdat=xri:pqdiss &rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:MR11931

Since the Supreme Court of Canada's Calder (1973) decision, Canada has been forced to recognize that Aboriginal title exists. As a result, Canada has indirectly recognized that Indigenous peoples were self-governing prior to British occupation, however, there has yet to be a comprehensive and adequate articulation of the ongoing sovereignty of Indigenous peoples in Canada. Indigenous Nations across Turtle Island have questioned to what degree Canada "owns" their lands, and have done so in a myriad of ways. Primarily, I centre my critical analysis on Canada’s land claims policy regime and its relationship to the Supreme Court of Canada's jurisprudence regarding Aboriginal title. I ask: a) what does it mean for Canada to "give" land back to Indigenous Nations that it does not hold title to in the first place, and b) by what strategies has Canada come to claim sovereignty and radical title over Indigenous lands? These questions may only be answered by uncovering the political rationalities and objectives that Canada has enacted and sought since the establishment of the colony under British colonialism. I argue that the project of settler-colonialism, as a form of governmentality, is an unfinished project that constantly seeks the erasure of Indigenous peoples and polities in favour of white-settler society.

<p>The aim of this paper is to analyse the perceived power structures in ethnic and non-ethnic football clubs in the way that they are manifested by their respective leadership/administration. For this, three clubs from each respective group (six in total) have been chosen and representatives of each group have been interviewed. Additionally, a qualitative analysis is applied when dealing with the material which in this case implied that they are analysed through an original model that is based on Steven Lukes’s conception of the three dimensional views of power. The point of departure lies in the interviewed representatives giving their accounts of how their respective clubs utilises their control and how they handle certain situations and conflicts. Their accounts invariably reflect upon a particular approach which can be fitted into one or more of Lukes’s dimensional views, which will ultimately provide an overall picture of the perceived power structure within that association. The subsequently comparison of results can then be expected to indicate if there is any difference in perceived power structures between that of ethnic and non-ethnic football clubs. The result of this study would ultimately show that while some notable difference could be manifested on a macro level, there were such great disparities on the micro level that there were in fact greater differences between the individual clubs themselves than that between the clubs as ethnic/non-ethnic groups.</p>

Esta tese apresenta uma investigação sobre a política potiguara e consiste no exame da constituição de posições diferenciadas como chefia e liderança e a política faccional. O eixo de abordagem adotado centra-se no papel da amizade, da camaradagem, da feitiçaria e da guerra de acusações nos processos sociopolíticos e no jogo político e faccional de englobamento das \" parentagens \" pelas \"turmas\". Ela está estruturada em três níveis de análise: o primeiro, focaliza a produção do parentesco e os regimes de territorialidade, com o objetivo de compreender a construção nativa sobre história e parentesco e as formas de uso do espaço pelos Potiguara, bem como a gestão das relações entre si e entre os outros. O segundo nível aprecia as formulações nativas acerca do idioma da mistura e o tema da civilização no enunciado potiguara sobre a temporalidade, pela análise do Censo Indígena de 2006, a fim de entender a \"etnosociologia\" nativa e, por conseguinte, os gradientes de classificação das relações com a alteridade. E o terceiro nível observa a construção da política partindo das concepções nativas de \"ser chefe\" e \"ser líder\" e tem como intenção delinear as elaborações acerca da ação e da representação política. Considerando os contextos de produção de chefes e líderes e das disputas faccionais, a compreensão da política, aqui proposta, explicita: o investimento na figura da unidade composta pela chefia que supõe o estabelecimento do domínio político e a definição da pessoa do chefe, como sujeito diferenciado, pelo acúmulo, potencialização e canalização das subjetividades, apropriação de relações, pessoas, bens e recursos do exterior; e o movimento de fazer e desfazer grupos, cuja ação política - do líder - tenta introduzir a multiplicidade e a heterogeneidade e revela a tendência a não-fixidez, a segmentaridade e a inclusão dos não-humanos, por meio da feitiçaria ou do catimbó, na vida social e na política entre humanos. / This thesis presents an investigation on the Potiguara policy and consists in examining the formation of different positions as chiefship and leadership and the factional politics. The line of approach adopted focuses on the role of friendship, fellowship, witchcraft and accusation conflicts in sociopolitical processes and in the political factional game of aggregations in \"kinship\" and \"groups\". It is structured in three analysis levels: The first focuses in the production of kinship and the regimes of territoriality, with the aim of understanding the native construction about history and kinship and how the area is used by the Potiguara, as well as the management of relations between themselves and others. The second level assesses the native formulations about the language of the mixture and the civilization theme in the Potiguara statement on temporality, by the analysis of the Indian Census in 2006, in order to understand the native ethno sociology, and therefore the gradients of classification of relations of otherness. And the third level observes the construction of the policy starting from the native conceptions of\" being chief\" and \"being a leader\" and is intended to outline the elaborations on the action and political representation. Considering the contexts of production of chiefs and leaders and factional disputes, the political comprehension, proposed here, explains: The investment figured in the composite unit by the leadership that assumes the establishment of the political field and the definition of the chief himself, as the subject differently, by accumulation, potentiating and canalizing of subjectivities, relations ownership, people, goods, and exterior resources; and the movement to make and unmake groups whose political action - of the leader - attempts to introduce the multiplicity and heterogeneity, and shows a tendency to non-fixity, the segmentarity and the inclusion of the non-human, by witchcraft and catimbó in social life and politics among humans.

Talvez demasiado complexa, caminho tortuoso para a compreensão das sociedades ameríndias, a questão do político parece receber pouca atenção por parte dos americanistas. Diante deste relativo e peculiar abandono, esta pesquisa visa fornecer estímulos e subsídios para a retomada das reflexões a respeito. Mais precisamente, alvitro sopesar o silêncio identificado e localizar o objeto a política tal como emerge num panorama duplamente restrito: à etnologia jê, dedicada a uma conjunção antropológica homônima de grupos indígenas, e ao período que, segundo os próprios jê-ólogos (cf. Coelho de Souza 2002), circunscreveria o processo de instituição de sua subdisciplina enquanto domínio científico relativamente autônomo, limitado, de um lado, pelo momento em que a etnologia forma, nomeia e individualiza os Jê no início do século XX , e, de outro, pelos esforços pioneiros de Curt Nimuendajú e pelo empreendimento sintético em que consistiu o Handbook of South American Indians (cf. Steward 1949). Espécie de Arqueologia (cf. Clastres 1980), o presente trabalho rechaça a pretensão de reagir à raridade com que o objeto a política jê encontra-se devidamente formalizado como uma espécie de pobreza enunciativa a compensar, e impõe-se o dever de tratar a variedade dos sentidos que lhe são imputados e a heterogeneidade de suas proveniências não como obstáculos no caminho de uma síntese qualquer, mas, justamente, como aquilo a descrever e a analisar. / Perhaps a rather slippery path to the understanding of Amerindian societies, perhaps an avoidable complexity, politics is a subject usually met with silence by americanists. Given its relative and peculiar abandonment, this research aims to supply incentives and materials for forthcoming reflections. More precisely, I try to locate and reconstruct the object politics along a double-restricted panorama: to Gê Ethnology committed to a homonymous anthropological conjunction of indigenous groups; and to the period which, according to my fellow gê-ologists (cf. Coelho de Souza 2002), encompasses the sub-disciplines establishment as relatively autonomous scientific niche, limited, on one side, by the ethnological forming, naming and individualization of the Gê in the early twentieth century , and, on the other, by Curt Nimuendajús pioneer efforts and by Julien Stewards synthetic enterprise, i.e., the Handbook of South American Indians (1949) later on the course of that same century. Some kind of Archeology (cf. Clastres 1980), this work repels the pretense of regarding the objects Gê politics lack of formal definitions as enunciative deficiencies to compensate for, and undertakes the incumbency of treating its polysemic fleeting substance(s) not as obstacles impeding any sort of synthesis, but as the very stuff of its descriptions and analyses.