Rwanda experienced one of the most horrendous atrocities in our modern history in the summer of 1994 when a genocide occurred within the country, and in the aftermath the nation had to deal with this history and rebuild its society. This essay examines the reconciliation in post-genocide Rwanda with the aim of investigating potential power mechanisms during this process. The study researches the policies implemented by the government of Rwanda during this process and what effect they potentially can have on the reconciliation in the country. The focus is on the policy of National Unity and Reconciliation and two of the main instruments within this government policy, which are Gacaca and Ingando. The analytical framework for this study is Steven Lukes’ theory on three-dimensional power, which was applied as an analytical lens to examine the power exercise by the RPF government. The essay used an abductive approach to research the subject and a case study as the chosen method for the study. The results of the research confirms that there are several instances of power exercise, both within the two and three-dimensional concept of power as described by Lukes. Certain aspects of the RPF’s policies aimed at reconciliation can be seen as power exercise by the government and potentially be problematic for a successful reconciliation process.

<p>The aim of this paper is to analyse the perceived power structures in ethnic and non-ethnic football clubs in the way that they are manifested by their respective leadership/administration. For this, three clubs from each respective group (six in total) have been chosen and representatives of each group have been interviewed. Additionally, a qualitative analysis is applied when dealing with the material which in this case implied that they are analysed through an original model that is based on Steven Lukes’s conception of the three dimensional views of power. The point of departure lies in the interviewed representatives giving their accounts of how their respective clubs utilises their control and how they handle certain situations and conflicts. Their accounts invariably reflect upon a particular approach which can be fitted into one or more of Lukes’s dimensional views, which will ultimately provide an overall picture of the perceived power structure within that association. The subsequently comparison of results can then be expected to indicate if there is any difference in perceived power structures between that of ethnic and non-ethnic football clubs. The result of this study would ultimately show that while some notable difference could be manifested on a macro level, there were such great disparities on the micro level that there were in fact greater differences between the individual clubs themselves than that between the clubs as ethnic/non-ethnic groups.</p>

In some aspect gender equality could be considered threatened by a growing backlash all around the world and without commitment to achieve what has been agreed so far it will continue to remain an unachievable goal. The objective of this research is to look into the fifth of the Sustainable Developmental Goals, which strives to promote gender equality and empowerment of women and girls. Further, this thesis is done through qualitative research with abductive reasoning by doing a single case study looking at Bangladesh in order to try and make sense of the research gap that was found through the literature review. In addition, the theory used throughout this research is Steven Lukes´s and his three dimensions of power which will be used in order to try and answer the research questions. Lastly, this research is relevant to the subject of peace and development since it is connected to sustainable development which is important for future development.    Bangladesh has been comparatively more successful than its neighbouring states at implementing gender equality. But as the main result of this thesis showed they still struggle in many aspects and power structures and power relations are one of the main reasons for the problems that have occurred when trying to implement the fifth goal. The lack of data that is prevailing all over the world in this field also plays a huge role in making it difficult the implementation of the SDG. The research also found that the theory used in the research was not as fully applicable as first thought however it could be used in order to discuss the findings in some ways and in order to answer the research question asked in the research.

This essay focuses on exploring power structures within George Orwell's narratives 1984 andAnimal Farm, through the theoretical lens of Panopticism and the discourse of language andpower. By adding Steven Lukes' multidimensional view of power it digs deep into thecomplexity of power relations and further enriches our understanding of the subject. Whenreflecting on power as a phenomenon rooted in privileged access to social resources, theshaping of language use, and the exercise of power through language strategies Foucault'sPanopticism clarifies the layers of societal intricacies and offers a fresh perspective on thetimeless themes embedded in these literary works.

The aim of the thesis is to examine the power of organized composers of art music in interwar Sweden and their development of areas of interest 1919-1939. The period is chosen due to the 1918 founding of the Society of Swedish Composers (the FST). Although of significant value, most of the previous research on the subject has focused on individual composers. The thesis, instead, combines concepts of Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of cultural fields with power theories of Steven Lukes and Walter Korpi to investigate access to power resources and exercise of power within the field of music by the FST and its members 1919-1939. The results show that the FST of 1939 had greater access to economic capital, which correlated with the expansion of the FST’s exercise of power and areas of interest concerning the whole field of Swedish music, rather than exclusively the field of art music. Social networks tied to the FST, however, never ceased to be an important factor influencing the operations of the FST.

De ekonomiska klyftorna i Sverige växer i stadig takt, samtidigt som den svenska ekonomin i övrigt går väldigt bra. Men vad händer med de som drabbas av fattigdomen? Hur konstrueras den fattigas position i samhället? Den här studien syftar till att utreda hur ekonomiskt utsatta människor representeras och problematiseras i dagens populärkultur. Utifrån maktens tredje ansikte undersöks därför tv-programmet Lyxfällan med särskilt fokus på att analysera subjektspositioner och subjektifieringseffekter. Ytterligare undersöks vilka maktrelationer som skapas och reproduceras i Lyxfällan. Till sin hjälp stödjs studien av ett teoretiskt ramverk vilken beskriver hur fattigdom representerats genom historiens lopp samt vilka eventuella effekter det skapar i det politiska livet. Särskilt fokus ligger på att undersöka huruvida vi i Sverige använder oss av diskursen ’undeserving poor’. Materialet som undersöks är ett urval av Lyxfällans avsnitt under 2017. Studiens resultat visar att den diskurs som upprätthålls i Lyxfällan har inflytande på deltagares aktörsskap till det negativa. Slutsatsen av det här arbetet är att fattigdom har individualiserats vidare analyseras vilka konsekvenser det kan tänkas ha för politiken.

De senaste decennierna har Sverige gått från en stat med starka inslag av korporativism till ett styrelseskick med pluralistisk prägel. Utvecklingen har inneburit en arena för nya påverkansformer och med den en ny yrkeskategori. Samtidigt som arbetet med att påverka statsmakten utifrån har ökat, finns det fortfarande begränsad kunskap om hur det arbetet bedrivs.  I denna studie används Hugh Heclos begrepp ‘policyprofessionella’ för förstå denna nya arena och dess aktörer. 2015 uppskattades antalet verksamma policyprofessionella till mellan 2000 och 2500 personer. Denna studie undersöker och analyserar en avgränsad del av denna grupp genom deras egen syn på sin roll i det nutida demokratiska systemet. Utgångspunkter i frågeställningen är makt, demokrati och legitimitet. Studien genomförs genom sex semistrukturerade intervjuer baserade på ett målinriktat urval av policyprofessionella konsulter.  Med hjälp av Steven Lukes tre maktdimensioner som teoretiskt ramverk framkommer tre primära slutsatser. Den första är den rörande oklarheterna kring de policyprofessionella konsulternas arbete och identitet. Varken den statsvetenskapliga forskningen eller konsulterna själva verkar veta vad de ska kalla sig. Den andra är den om konsulternas uppdragsgivare och vad deras arbete utgörs av. Studien visar på en viktig distinktion mellan att arbeta mot politiker och för dem. Detta aktualiserar vidare frågor om partipolitikens representativitet. Den tredje slutsatsen rör svårigheten av ansvarsutkrävande från gruppen.

Established in 2003, the Kimberley Process (KP) is a binding agreement; backed by the United Nations, that unites civil societies, state actors and the diamond industry to safeguard ‘conflict' diamonds from entering legitimate rough diamond trade around the world. The unique international tripartite organization is voluntary but mandates state participants to abide by the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme (KPCS) minimum requirements in order to stem the financing or wars against legitimate governments. This study represents the first to explore the communications within the KP. The linguistic turn relies on Classical rhetoric theory with an emphasis on Aristotle's three appeals of persuasion (“pisteis”): ethos, logos and pathos of elite actors in the KP. As for the precise nature of the contribution to rhetorical analysis, this project is best characterised as an application of Classical principals of rhetorical analysis, rather than as a development of theory. A comprehensive literature review of the KP and KPCS is another distinctive contribution. Furthermore, this academic endeavour offers a unique method as shown in the observation of a KP Intersessional meeting. Supplementing the qualitative inquiry, semi-structured interviews were conducted with all of the KP groups and included a wide sample of civil society international and national non-government organizations, state actors and industry members otherwise not represented in previous empirical efforts on the subject. The data chapters achieve the primary aim to add to the understanding of the KP. Firstly, the civil societies engage in boycott rhetoric using ethos and negative pathos. As for state actors, the KP Chair exhibits charismatic leadership rhetoric, while ‘recognized' established states use logical reasoning, the ‘outlier' states evoke positive pathos. Lastly, the diamond industry experts appeal to negative emotions, the World Diamond Council to logos, and De Beers to positive emotional appeals. Combined, the rhetoric shows (a) how KP rhētors use different rhetorical strategies; (b) which in turn shape distinct discourses; (c) and contain dissimilar claims; (d) points to different motivations; (e) highlight different identities; (f) reveal key characteristics, and; (g) the nature of relationships within the KP. The organization rhetorical analysis also entails how the multiple KP leaders view the KP and KPCS and change. While the rhetoric helps demonstrate the constraints surrounding the KP and KPCS it also underlines the primary human rights and human security in which they all share. This thesis provides an extended critical view of the rhetoric by connecting Aristotelian pisteis with different conceptions of power outlined by French and Raven (1959) and Lukes (2005/1974). Combined, the rhetoric helps to explain the ways the KP attempts to achieve their specific political and economic goals while also building relationships with their stakeholders. Rhetoric is a worthwhile theory and methodological approach in order to explore organizations. The KP, and other international organizations provide an opportune arena for further rhetorical attention.