Talvez demasiado complexa, caminho tortuoso para a compreensão das sociedades ameríndias, a questão do político parece receber pouca atenção por parte dos americanistas. Diante deste relativo e peculiar abandono, esta pesquisa visa fornecer estímulos e subsídios para a retomada das reflexões a respeito. Mais precisamente, alvitro sopesar o silêncio identificado e localizar o objeto a política tal como emerge num panorama duplamente restrito: à etnologia jê, dedicada a uma conjunção antropológica homônima de grupos indígenas, e ao período que, segundo os próprios jê-ólogos (cf. Coelho de Souza 2002), circunscreveria o processo de instituição de sua subdisciplina enquanto domínio científico relativamente autônomo, limitado, de um lado, pelo momento em que a etnologia forma, nomeia e individualiza os Jê no início do século XX , e, de outro, pelos esforços pioneiros de Curt Nimuendajú e pelo empreendimento sintético em que consistiu o Handbook of South American Indians (cf. Steward 1949). Espécie de Arqueologia (cf. Clastres 1980), o presente trabalho rechaça a pretensão de reagir à raridade com que o objeto a política jê encontra-se devidamente formalizado como uma espécie de pobreza enunciativa a compensar, e impõe-se o dever de tratar a variedade dos sentidos que lhe são imputados e a heterogeneidade de suas proveniências não como obstáculos no caminho de uma síntese qualquer, mas, justamente, como aquilo a descrever e a analisar. / Perhaps a rather slippery path to the understanding of Amerindian societies, perhaps an avoidable complexity, politics is a subject usually met with silence by americanists. Given its relative and peculiar abandonment, this research aims to supply incentives and materials for forthcoming reflections. More precisely, I try to locate and reconstruct the object politics along a double-restricted panorama: to Gê Ethnology committed to a homonymous anthropological conjunction of indigenous groups; and to the period which, according to my fellow gê-ologists (cf. Coelho de Souza 2002), encompasses the sub-disciplines establishment as relatively autonomous scientific niche, limited, on one side, by the ethnological forming, naming and individualization of the Gê in the early twentieth century , and, on the other, by Curt Nimuendajús pioneer efforts and by Julien Stewards synthetic enterprise, i.e., the Handbook of South American Indians (1949) later on the course of that same century. Some kind of Archeology (cf. Clastres 1980), this work repels the pretense of regarding the objects Gê politics lack of formal definitions as enunciative deficiencies to compensate for, and undertakes the incumbency of treating its polysemic fleeting substance(s) not as obstacles impeding any sort of synthesis, but as the very stuff of its descriptions and analyses.

Esta tese apresenta uma investigação sobre a política potiguara e consiste no exame da constituição de posições diferenciadas como chefia e liderança e a política faccional. O eixo de abordagem adotado centra-se no papel da amizade, da camaradagem, da feitiçaria e da guerra de acusações nos processos sociopolíticos e no jogo político e faccional de englobamento das \" parentagens \" pelas \"turmas\". Ela está estruturada em três níveis de análise: o primeiro, focaliza a produção do parentesco e os regimes de territorialidade, com o objetivo de compreender a construção nativa sobre história e parentesco e as formas de uso do espaço pelos Potiguara, bem como a gestão das relações entre si e entre os outros. O segundo nível aprecia as formulações nativas acerca do idioma da mistura e o tema da civilização no enunciado potiguara sobre a temporalidade, pela análise do Censo Indígena de 2006, a fim de entender a \"etnosociologia\" nativa e, por conseguinte, os gradientes de classificação das relações com a alteridade. E o terceiro nível observa a construção da política partindo das concepções nativas de \"ser chefe\" e \"ser líder\" e tem como intenção delinear as elaborações acerca da ação e da representação política. Considerando os contextos de produção de chefes e líderes e das disputas faccionais, a compreensão da política, aqui proposta, explicita: o investimento na figura da unidade composta pela chefia que supõe o estabelecimento do domínio político e a definição da pessoa do chefe, como sujeito diferenciado, pelo acúmulo, potencialização e canalização das subjetividades, apropriação de relações, pessoas, bens e recursos do exterior; e o movimento de fazer e desfazer grupos, cuja ação política - do líder - tenta introduzir a multiplicidade e a heterogeneidade e revela a tendência a não-fixidez, a segmentaridade e a inclusão dos não-humanos, por meio da feitiçaria ou do catimbó, na vida social e na política entre humanos. / This thesis presents an investigation on the Potiguara policy and consists in examining the formation of different positions as chiefship and leadership and the factional politics. The line of approach adopted focuses on the role of friendship, fellowship, witchcraft and accusation conflicts in sociopolitical processes and in the political factional game of aggregations in \"kinship\" and \"groups\". It is structured in three analysis levels: The first focuses in the production of kinship and the regimes of territoriality, with the aim of understanding the native construction about history and kinship and how the area is used by the Potiguara, as well as the management of relations between themselves and others. The second level assesses the native formulations about the language of the mixture and the civilization theme in the Potiguara statement on temporality, by the analysis of the Indian Census in 2006, in order to understand the native ethno sociology, and therefore the gradients of classification of relations of otherness. And the third level observes the construction of the policy starting from the native conceptions of\" being chief\" and \"being a leader\" and is intended to outline the elaborations on the action and political representation. Considering the contexts of production of chiefs and leaders and factional disputes, the political comprehension, proposed here, explains: The investment figured in the composite unit by the leadership that assumes the establishment of the political field and the definition of the chief himself, as the subject differently, by accumulation, potentiating and canalizing of subjectivities, relations ownership, people, goods, and exterior resources; and the movement to make and unmake groups whose political action - of the leader - attempts to introduce the multiplicity and heterogeneity, and shows a tendency to non-fixity, the segmentarity and the inclusion of the non-human, by witchcraft and catimbó in social life and politics among humans.

Ce travail s'intéresse aux politiques locales de gestion des bidonvilles à Lyon entre 2005 et 2012. J'ai tenté d'interroger ce qui mène à penser la situation des bidonvilles et des squats de roms comme une situation en même temps spécifique et ingérable. Cette spécificité amène sans cesse à questionner les roms plutôt que les modes de gestion de cette situation, ce qui fait des occupants des bidonvilles des « ingouvernables ». Le problème n'est bien entendu pas celui des roms mais un problème qui concerne le fonctionnement du collectif et notre rapport à ces situations. Parlant « d'occupation » lorsqu'un squat ou un bidonville s'installe entre les mailles du filet urbain, j'ai interrogé ce qui nous occupe tant lorsque des roms occupent une parcelle de vie urbaine. J'ai voulu montrer la répétition et l'insistance avec laquelle on est rivé sur cette présence étrange et étrangère. J'ai essayé de montrer à quel point il est nécessaire aux acteurs et observateurs des situations d'occupation de cerner, discerner et déterminer ce qui se passe et dépasse les attentes de conformation qui définissent la gouvernementalité contemporaine. C'est ce que j'ai tenté de documenter en tant que moments de « la faillite du gouvernement des roms en bidonvilles ».L'objet de ce travail est ce qu'il y a « d'ingouvernable » dans une situation. Ce qui « résiste » au gouvernement dans les situations des bidonvilles et des squats n'est pas une population en particulier, mais l'impossibilité d'en considérer une avec assurance et efficacité. Le problème n'est pas de savoir comment les roms « font » pour ne pas être identifiables à ce point, mais ce qui fait qu'il est nécessaire au gouvernement d'une situation de déterminer ce sur quoi il s'agit d'agir. En d'autres termes, il s'agit d'interroger le rapport qu'entretient l'exercice de la gouvernementalité avec les processus de subjectivation mais aussi les processus d'objectivation. De quelle manière l'exercice du pouvoir détermine un sujet agissant et en quoi les nécessaires sujets et objets transparents et adéquats à la reconnaissance, lorsqu'ils disparaissent de ce champ de « visibilité » pour atteindre le « hors-champ » des « indiscernables », remettent-ils en question l'exercice du gouvernement?L'une des notions centrales qui intervient dans ce travail est celle de résistance: d'abord, ce qui résiste est la possibilité d'objectiver ces situations, qui apparaît dans la perception de l'espace du bidonville, l'état des corps ou encore les recensements des occupants et les cartographies de l'habitat précaire, en tous les cas la possibilité de généraliser et de saisir globalement ce qui se passe; ensuite, ce qui résiste se situe dans l'action même de gestion des « situations de crise » et des bidonvilles, c'est la « crise » même qui est autant celle de l'institution qui ne peut qu'imparfaitement gérer les choses et la crise de son ambition à disposer des corps et du temps de ceux qui déborde du cadre institué; enfin, ce qui résiste s'adosse plus que s'oppose aux dispositifs par des manières de faire qui récupèrent ou conservent une marge de manœuvre tout en se situant en marge des subjectivités domestiques où s'investit avec plus ou moins de succès la gouvernementalité contemporaine. / This work deals with slums management local policies in Lyon between 2005 and 2012. I tried to interrogate what is leading to think roma’s slums situation as a specific and unmanageable situation. This specificity lead constantly to question roma people rather than the management’s policies of the situation. It produce roma people as not governed people or, as i said, « the ungovernables ». The problem is not obvioulsy roma’s problem, but a problem concerning the operation of social life and our own relation with these situations. Speaking about « occupation » when a settlement is occuring in the city’s cracks, I asked what is « occupying » us so much when roma occupy a plot of our city. I wanted to show with wich repetition and insistance we are binding on this strange and foreign presence. I tried to show how much it is necessary for the observers and actors of the situation to indentify, to distinguish and to establish what is going on and what is going over the expectations of conformation, wich are defining the contemporary governmentality. That is what i tried to document it as moments of « governmentality’s failure of roma’s slums».The purpose of this work is what it is « ungovernable » in any kind of situation. What resists to the governement of squats and slums situations is not a population in particular, but the impossibility to consider one with assertivness and effectivness. The problem is not to know how roma people are doing to be unidentified at this point but what is leading to be necessary for the governement of the situation to establish what it is needed to intervene on. In other words, the question is the relation between the practice of governement and the production’s process of subjectivity, as well as objectivity : in wich way the practice of power produce an acting subject and how necessarily transparent and appropriate-to-recognition subjects and objects, when they disappear of the field of « visibility » to get « off the limelight » the field of the « indinstinguishables », are calling the practice of governement in question ?One of the central notions in this work is the notion of resistance : first of all, what resists is the possibility of objectivize these situations, wich is appearing in the tricky perception of the space or the body’s conditions in slums, or the difficulty of population census and precarious housing mapping in the whole city, in all cases the possibility to generalize and to understand globaly what happens ; then, what resists is situated in the management of a « crisis situation » as a slum, it is the « crisis » itself wich is instituion’s one who is imperfectly able to govern things, and in the same time the crisis of its ambition to state and order body’s and time’s of whom overflows the established framework ; finally, what resists lean on apparatus more than is opposed to, with some ways of operating recovering or keeping a « room for maneuver », situated in the edge of the domestic subjectivity where the contemporary governmentality try, with more or less succes, to invest.

The 2015 trash crisis in Lebanon resulted in the emergence of movements centered on rights and the state’s responsibility. The protests and outrage were about an entire political structure that had allowed for such a failure in infrastructure to come into existence. After numbers on the street began to fade, the alternative discourses transitioned from the streets to the May 2016 Beirut municipality elections. My research explores how these actors relate to the state as citizens (a term they themselves use) within a political structure that perpetuates a kind of sectarian citizenship, and asks what being a citizen means in such a failed state, and how alternative fronts can push for a reconceptualization of citizenship, on a backdrop of neoliberalism.

In Myanmar’s southern borderlands, the Dawei special economic zone (SEZ) is one of the world’s most ambitious infrastructure projects. With strong backing from the Thai government and private sector, the project includes plans for a deep-sea port, a vast petrochemical estate, an industrial zone, a dam and two reservoirs, dual oil and gas pipelines, and road and rail links to the Thai border. Yet in 2013, the Myanmar government suspended the SEZ project following limited investment, as well as sustained criticism of the project’s social and environmental impacts. Based on fieldwork conducted mainly over 18 months from 2016-2018, this dissertation follows the political activity and ideas that coalesced around the project—in Dawei town and the villages of the SEZ project areas—as rumors swirled that the project would resume. Against the backdrop of Myanmar’s reform period in the 2010s, I bring together a set of changing material conditions and a series of political projects, locating the political life of infrastructure at that dynamic intersection. This dissertation turns around three central findings. First, the outstanding political fact in Dawei is one of fragmentation over time, principally between town-based youth-led organizations and villagers living in the SEZ project areas. Although condemnation of the project was once widely shared, the period of suspension led many villagers to wish for the project to resume. This fragmentation leads me away from an a priori relational thematization of infrastructure. This theme prevails not only in anthropology’s turn to infrastructure but also in Marxist geography and science and technology studies. Second, I identify two political trajectories, one secular-universal, the other situational-differential. One criticizes the SEZ project through appeals to liberal values, calling for greater transparency, accountability, and local participation. The other sees in the SEZ project a promise of material progress and distributional gain: employment opportunities, financial compensation, better basic infrastructure. These trajectories present less a binary than a set of contingent tendencies that sometimes overlap. Both operate within a normative commitment to development; neither partakes of the rebellious or evasive repertoires of peasant politics past. Third, I argue that this fractured political landscape corresponds to a contradiction at the heart of postcolonial capitalism: between shared desires for developmental progress—a hegemonic complex that drives primitive accumulation onwards—and the splintering force of the accumulation process, which creates a heterogeneous material terrain. Thus, I trace and draw out the political implications of a differentiating accumulation process, tracking how a range of political subjects navigate an uneven landscape as the project’s return loomed. I suggest that the political activities and ideas I find in Dawei offer provisional answers to a pressing impasse: the need for new knowledge and new politics now that earlier promises of capitalist transition—from the farm to the factory, agriculture to industry—no longer hold. I find that for many of my interlocutors, the promise of developmental time remains, even if the absorptive, incorporative notion of capitalist transition does not. The forms and figures of the political in Dawei are not particularly hopeful or optimistic, nor radical or emancipatory. On the contrary, they inhabit and index a time-space out of joint, a difficult political present unmoored from past certainties. In a place supposed to exemplify the transition from farm to factory, I capture instead an elliptical present of incomplete structures and abandoned sites, horizons receding and beginnings fading from memory. Long on hold, the SEZ project has all the presence of a dream. It is now a kind of fantasy, unreal. For many, it is also an aspiration, unmet.

Esta pesquisa situa-se na interface entre os estudos antropológicos e historiográficos acerca da Amazônia brasileira, e pretende se utilizar de métodos e perspectivas de ambas as disciplinas. Seu objetivo é produzir uma interpretação sobre do complexo de eventos belicosos ocorridos em tal região em meados da década de 1830, que se convencionou denominar em sua totalidade como a cabanagem. Este estudo fundamenta-se em fontes primárias: documentação oficial, relatos de viajantes, literatura e análises da época, mapas históricos, entre outros. Com base em tais fontes e no pensamento sobre o tema pretende-se aqui, primeiramente, demonstrar que a noção de cabano, que posteriormente passou a caracterizar a totalidade das disputas e a perspectiva dos rebeldes, era operante no período. Assim, o primeiro esforço da pesquisa é situar tal noção em seus sentidos e usos na própria época. Defende-se aqui que o cabano não parte de um ou múltiplos coletivos de agentes autoidentificados como tais, mas sim de seus próprios contrários e antagonistas, autoidentificados como legalistas, que se consideravam a si mesmos os representantes dos homens de bem, da civilização e da humanidade. Cabano, em seu uso na época, era uma expressão pejorativa, forjada para caracterizar a unidade dos contrários da legalidade, passíveis de serem legitimamente exterminados, capturados para trabalhos forçados, ou expulsos de suas próprias terras. Deste modo, o primeiro objetivo deste trabalho é descrever e detalhar a produção de tal estratégia dirigida contra todos aqueles que estavam fora do pacto da legalidade, no território amazônico. E o segundo, é tentar situar e discorrer sobre quem eram, como se auto-identificavam e o que pretendiam os ditos cabanos, neste amplo complexo de confrontações armadas que abrangeu toda a Amazônia brasileira da época. / This research stands on the interface between the anthropological and the historical studies about the Brazilian Amazon, and intends to utilize methods and perspectives of both disciplines. Its ultimate aim is to produce an interpretation about the complex of warlike events occurred in this region over the years 1830, which are conventionally designated in its totality as the cabanagem. This study is based on primary records: official documentation, travelers\' accounts, literature and analyses of the epoch, historical maps, among others. Based in such sources, and on the recent studies about the theme, the goal here is to demonstrate that the notion of cabano, which latter turned to characterize the totality of the conflicts and the perspective of the rebels, was operant in the epoch. So, the first effort of this research is to situate the notion (its senses and usages) in the proper epoch. It is defended here that the cabano does not come from one or multiple collectives of agents autoidentified as such, but from their on contraries and enemies, auto-identified as legalistas, which considered their own selves as the true representatives of the good man, the civilization and the humanity. The cabano, in its usage in the epoch, was a derogatory expression, forged to characterize the unity of the contraries of the legalidade, which could all be lawfully exterminated, captured for forced labor, or expelled from their own lands. Therefore, the first objective of this piece of work is to describe and to detail this strategy droved against all the ones who were out of the pact of the legalistas, in the Amazonian territory. The second one is an attempt to situate who were the so called cabanos, which were their autoidentifications and what were their intentions, in this complex of armed confrontations which comprised all the territory of the Brazilian Amazon of the epoch.

Submitted by ALBERTO MONTOYA CORREA PALACIOS JUNIOR null (montoyasoyo@yahoo.com) on 2016-09-09T19:43:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE Deposito Alberto Montoya.pdf: 3275754 bytes, checksum: 4f352a2572ff5ec623743e5f0d10249d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-09-13T13:44:06Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 palaciosjunior_amc_dr_mar.pdf: 3275754 bytes, checksum: 4f352a2572ff5ec623743e5f0d10249d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-13T13:44:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 palaciosjunior_amc_dr_mar.pdf: 3275754 bytes, checksum: 4f352a2572ff5ec623743e5f0d10249d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-12 / Analisamos as guerras de vingança nos Tupi-Guarani e nos Yanomami e suas implicações para o estudo das guerras nas Relações Internacionais. A pertinência do tema para a área se justifica por três motivos: a) do ponto de vista diplomático-estratégico, as possibilidades de a vingança conformar “ciclos” que tendem a dilatar ou perpetuar as guerras, inibindo a resolução diplomática da contenda armada; b) do ponto de vista teórico-conceitual das RI, há poucas ferramentas analíticas pertinentes para o estudo desse fenômeno; c) as RI carecem de pesquisas sobre a manifestação cultural da guerra no contexto ameríndio. Para superar essas lacunas propomos um diálogo com a Antropologia política ameríndia, fértil em análises sobre o tema. Iniciamos a pesquisa pelo debate das “novas guerras”, em seguida, buscamos auxílio na Sociologia e na Antropologia política ameríndias para obtermos os insumos de análise. Adotamos as etnografias e etnologias de americanistas como fonte primária. As correntes antropológicas visitadas com maior intensidade foram o funcionalismo da guerra dos Tupinambá de Florestan Fernandes; a arqueologia da violência de Pierre Clastres e sua experiência entre os Guayaki-Aché; o perspectivismo ameríndio de Viveiros de Castro entre os Araweté; a economia da predação de Carlos Fausto entre os Parakanãs; e, por último, a economia da predação com David Kopenawa e Bruce Albert entre os Yanomami. Analisamos os mecanismos de interligação entre a vingança e a guerra em “ciclos de vingança” para buscar explicar as suas manifestações nas experiências dos Tupi-Guarani e dos Yanomami. Procuramos caracterizar conceitualmente o fenômeno da guerra de vingança para sua análise nas RI, articulando a vingança e a guerra em dois âmbitos: no âmbito intrassocietário os ideais coletivos de vingança, condensados em um sistema ideológico centrípeto ou centrífugo, galvanizam a lealdade para a guerra e justificam o sacrifício do inimigo; no âmbito intersocietário, os imperativos de vingança inibem a possibilidade de resolução diplomática da contenda armada entre os inimigos. Ao dialogarmos com a Antropologia política ameríndia, contribuímos para a compreensão, na área das Relações Internacionais, sobre as manifestações contemporâneas das guerras, para as quais a taxionomia e as categorias conceituais das novas guerras e das RI se mostram incompletas ou inapropriadas. / The author analyzes wars of revenge within the Tupi-Guarani and the Yanomami peoples as well as their implications for the study of wars in International Relations (IR). One can justify the relevance of this topic in the area for three reasons: a) from a diplomatic-strategic point of view, the possibility of revenge shaping “cycles”, which tend to prolong or perpetuate wars, hindering diplomatic resolution of the armed struggle; b) from IR’s theoretical-conceptual point of view, there are few relevant analytical tools for the study of this phenomenon; c) IR lacks research on the cultural demonstration of war in the Amerindian context. To overcome these gaps the author proposes a dialogue with Amerindian Political Anthropology, which has developed fruitful analyses of the topic. The author begins his research by discussing “new wars”. Next, he seeks help in Amerindian Sociology and Political Anthropology to gather inputs for his assessment. The author has adopted types of ethnography and ethnology used by Americanists as primary sources. The anthropological views most frequently used are: Florestan Fernandes’ functionalism of the Tupinambá Wars; Pierre Clastres’s archeology of violence and his experience among the Guayaki-Aché; Viveiros de Castro’s Amerindian perspectivism among the Araweté; Carlos Fausto’s economics of predation among the Parakanãs; and lastly, the economics of predation of David Kopenawa and Bruce Albert among the Yanomami. The author analyzes the connecting mechanisms between revenge and war in “revenge cycles” to try to explain their demonstration in the experiences of the Tupi-Guarani and the Yanomami. The author attempts to conceptually characterize the phenomenon of wars of revenge for an IR analysis, allotting revenge and war within two realms: within the intra-societal realm collective ideals of revenge, condensed in a centripetal or centrifugal ideological system, prompt loyalty in war and justify the enemy’s sacrifice; within the inter-society realm, imperatives of revenge hinder the possibility of diplomatic resolution of the armed struggle between enemies. When conversing with Amerindian Political Anthropology the author contributes to the understanding of contemporary demonstrations of war in the field of International Relations, for which both the taxonomy and the conceptual categories of new wars and IR are deemed incomplete or unsuitable.

Esta pesquisa situa-se na interface entre os estudos antropológicos e historiográficos acerca da Amazônia brasileira, e pretende se utilizar de métodos e perspectivas de ambas as disciplinas. Seu objetivo é produzir uma interpretação sobre do complexo de eventos belicosos ocorridos em tal região em meados da década de 1830, que se convencionou denominar em sua totalidade como a cabanagem. Este estudo fundamenta-se em fontes primárias: documentação oficial, relatos de viajantes, literatura e análises da época, mapas históricos, entre outros. Com base em tais fontes e no pensamento sobre o tema pretende-se aqui, primeiramente, demonstrar que a noção de cabano, que posteriormente passou a caracterizar a totalidade das disputas e a perspectiva dos rebeldes, era operante no período. Assim, o primeiro esforço da pesquisa é situar tal noção em seus sentidos e usos na própria época. Defende-se aqui que o cabano não parte de um ou múltiplos coletivos de agentes autoidentificados como tais, mas sim de seus próprios contrários e antagonistas, autoidentificados como legalistas, que se consideravam a si mesmos os representantes dos homens de bem, da civilização e da humanidade. Cabano, em seu uso na época, era uma expressão pejorativa, forjada para caracterizar a unidade dos contrários da legalidade, passíveis de serem legitimamente exterminados, capturados para trabalhos forçados, ou expulsos de suas próprias terras. Deste modo, o primeiro objetivo deste trabalho é descrever e detalhar a produção de tal estratégia dirigida contra todos aqueles que estavam fora do pacto da legalidade, no território amazônico. E o segundo, é tentar situar e discorrer sobre quem eram, como se auto-identificavam e o que pretendiam os ditos cabanos, neste amplo complexo de confrontações armadas que abrangeu toda a Amazônia brasileira da época. / This research stands on the interface between the anthropological and the historical studies about the Brazilian Amazon, and intends to utilize methods and perspectives of both disciplines. Its ultimate aim is to produce an interpretation about the complex of warlike events occurred in this region over the years 1830, which are conventionally designated in its totality as the cabanagem. This study is based on primary records: official documentation, travelers\' accounts, literature and analyses of the epoch, historical maps, among others. Based in such sources, and on the recent studies about the theme, the goal here is to demonstrate that the notion of cabano, which latter turned to characterize the totality of the conflicts and the perspective of the rebels, was operant in the epoch. So, the first effort of this research is to situate the notion (its senses and usages) in the proper epoch. It is defended here that the cabano does not come from one or multiple collectives of agents autoidentified as such, but from their on contraries and enemies, auto-identified as legalistas, which considered their own selves as the true representatives of the good man, the civilization and the humanity. The cabano, in its usage in the epoch, was a derogatory expression, forged to characterize the unity of the contraries of the legalidade, which could all be lawfully exterminated, captured for forced labor, or expelled from their own lands. Therefore, the first objective of this piece of work is to describe and to detail this strategy droved against all the ones who were out of the pact of the legalistas, in the Amazonian territory. The second one is an attempt to situate who were the so called cabanos, which were their autoidentifications and what were their intentions, in this complex of armed confrontations which comprised all the territory of the Brazilian Amazon of the epoch.

Orientador: Regina Facchini / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T22:03:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Zanoli_ViniciusPedroCorreia_M.pdf: 2744781 bytes, checksum: a98bc4092c22e8b116cfbd0f1883f519 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: Esta dissertação procura colaborar com o debate em torno dos movimentos sociais no Brasil contemporâneo a partir da análise do movimento LGBT (de lésbicas, gays, bissexuais, travestis e transexuais). Para tal, centra-se nas relações dos grupos ativistas LGBT de Campinas com os demais atores sociais presentes em seu "campo" de ativismo, contextualizando-as em relação a processos políticos no âmbito nacional e internacional. O olhar para as relações desse movimento demanda atenção aos "múltiplos pertencimentos", aos "trânsitos" entre Estado e ativismo e às relações com partidos políticos e outros atores, como sindicatos e outros movimentos. A análise dos "trânsitos" e dos "múltiplos pertencimentos" indica disputas em torno dos significados que assumem categorias como movimen-to social, Estado e política. Essas disputas (re)produzem tanto as fronteiras entre o que se compreende como Estado e movimento social, quanto os significados em torno do que é política. A análise das relações com outros atores presentes na rede ativista chama atenção para as alianças e tensões entre os grupos, bem como para processos de fissão relacionados à especificação do sujeito político do movimento. A metodologia utilizada é etnográfica, articulando observação participante, análise documental e entrevistas em profundidade. Foram observadas, entre janeiro de 2013 e junho de 2014, atividades que congregaram diversos atores do "campo" do movimento, reuniões de organização e atividades do Mês da Diversidade Sexual e o cotidiano do Centro de Referência LGBT de Campinas / Abstract: This work aims to collaborate with the debate around social movements in contemporary Brazil through the analysis of the Brazilian LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender) movement. For this, it is centered in the relations of the activist groups of Campinas with the social actors within their activist "field", contextualizing them in relation to political processes in both national and international scope. The study of the relations of this social movement demands attention to the "multiple belongings", the "transits" between state and activism and the relations with political parties and diverse actors like workers unions and other social movements. The analysis of the "transits" and the "multiple belongings" denotes disputes around the meanings assumed by categories like social movement, state and politics. These disputes (re)produce the borders of what is comprehended as state and social movement, as well as the meanings around of what is politics. The analysis of the relations with other actors present in the activist network stress the alliances and tensions between the groups, as well as the processes of fission related to the specification of the political subject of the movement. Ethnography was used here as the research method, thus, the research articulates participant observations, document analysis and in-depth interviews. Between January 2013 and June 2014 I observed activities that congregated diverse actors of the "field" of the movement, meetings and activities of the Sexual Diversity Month and the everyday activities of the workers of Campinas LGBT Center / Mestrado / Antropologia Social / Mestre em Antropologia Social

MAAS / Department of Developmental Studies