During the past ten years, European politics experienced a rise of far right-wing parties because of intensified levels of insecurity among the public (Falasca & Grandien, 2017). These parties organize their political discourse around topics of nationalism and a strong opinion against immigration, the Euro and the European Union (Breeze, 2019; Häusler, 2018). One of these parties is the Alternative for Germany (AfD) which celebrated a major success in the federal elections in 2017 where it became the third largest party in the German Bundestag.   The present study aims to analyze the campaign posters of the AfD as one element of their strategic political communication for the 2017 election period in the context of the party’s growing popularity among German society. To accomplish that goal, the qualitative method of multimodal critical discourse analysis (MCDA) is applied. The MCDA analyzes written and visual content. The study seeks to identify the narratives implemented by the party and analyze them by drawing on the concept of nationalism. Furthermore, the analysis aims to identify the frames created around the main issues addressed in the party’s political agenda by discussing them in relation to the concepts of ontological security and existential anxiety by Giddens (1991) and the framing theory by Goffman (1974).   The study reveals that the AfD highlights in its political communication one main conflict: The German public versus the immigrants. The immigrants are framed as the threatening strange other whose cultural values, and religious beliefs contradict with those of the Germans who are depicted as the victims. This is achieved through the posters which seek to elicit fear and hatred towards the strange new to increase the insecurities perceived by the public. The party, on the contrary, represents itself as the savior of the German nation, its traditions, and values which they aim to maintain and protect from Muslim influence.

Esta tese analisa a atuação das empresas de televisão como grupos de interesse, a partir do estudo de caso sobre o processo decisório da política de classificação indicativa, que determina a faixa etária mínima e a faixa horária a que se recomendam os programas de entretenimento na televisão aberta. O processo transcorreu desde 1988 até 2016, mas tem seu período mais importante entre 2006 e 2007, foco principal da tese. O problema investigado é como, e em que medida, as empresas de televisão, em sua atuação como grupo de interesse no caso da classificação indicativa, utilizaram os recursos políticos que controlam diretamente. Utiliza-se a metodologia de process-tracing, combinando análise de documentos, análise de cobertura dos meios de comunicação e entrevistas em profundidade com participantes dos três poderes, das empresas, de entidades da sociedade civil e do Ministério Público. Os achados revelam atuação política permanente das empresas durante duas décadas, sustentada no uso forte de estratégias e táticas ordinárias de pressão política e no uso moderado de estratégias e táticas peculiares, possíveis devido ao controle que as empresas exercem do acesso à esfera pública. Ao fazer a análise do caso da classificação indicativa sob a luz de outros casos de negociação de políticas de comunicação no mesmo período, a tese identifica padrões de relação Estado-sociedade distintos dentro do mesmo governo, e revela que posição ideológica, contexto político, processos de articulação e mobilização social e processos políticos robustos são elementos determinantes da capacidade de o governo federal obter sucesso em suas tentativas de implantar políticas públicas de comunicação. A tese conclui que as empresas de televisão constituem, per se, um centro de poder que é interlocutor qualificado do poder político em escala nacional, e reforça o entendimento de que a relação entre comunicação e política não pode ser compreendida apenas como de influência entre dois campos, mas deve partir do reconhecimento das empresas de televisão como atores políticos. / This thesis analyzes the performance of television companies as an interest group, based on the case study on the decision-making process of the parental guidance policy, which determines the minimum age range and the hourly range for entertainment programs on free-to-air television. The process ran from 1988 to 2016, but it has its most important period between 2006 and 2007, the main focus of the thesis. The problem investigated is how, and to what extent, television companies have used the political resources they directly control in their performance as an interest group in the case of parental guidance. The methodology of processtracing is adopted, combining analysis of documents, analysis of media coverage and in-depth interviews with participants of the three powers, companies, civil society organizations and the Federal Persecution Service. The findings reveal permanent political performance of the companies during two decades, based on the strong use of ordinary strategies and tactics of political pressure and on a moderate use of peculiar strategies and tactics, possible due to the companies\' control of access to the public sphere. In making the analysis of the case of parental guidance policy in the light of other cases of negotiation of communication policies in the same period, the thesis identifies distinct state-society relationship patterns within the same government, and reveals that ideological position, political context, processes articulation and social mobilization and robust political processes are elements that determine the capacity of the federal government to succeed in its attempts to implement public communication policies. The thesis concludes that television companies constitute, per se, a power center that is a qualified interlocutor of political power on a national scale and reinforces the understanding that the relationship between communication and politics cannot be comprehended only on the basis of the influence between two fields, but must start from the recognition of television companies as political actors.

Dans cette thèse, j’ai souhaité explorer la communication politique espagnole réactivée après plus de quarante ans de dictature et porter une attention particulière au nouveau schéma communicationnel que l’Espagne a dû se réinventer, en s’inspirant des pratiques marketing déjà ancrées chez ses homologues européens et américains. Encouragé par l’augmentation du nombre de convocations électorales, la prolifération des discours parlementaires et l’essor des moyens de communication de masse, un nouveau jeu de langage politique est né entre les acteurs de cette communication politique que sont les hommes politiques, les médias et l’opinion publique. Aussi, insérés dans un contexte socio-historique extrêmement riche, les discours politiques prononcés dans l’Espagne démocratique (1982-2008) par le PP et le PSOE en campagne ou hors campagne sont non seulement révélateurs de l’évolution d’une société démocratique en quête de construction et de reconnaissance sur la scène internationale ; ils marquent également la fin des clivages idéologiques. La diversité de mon corpus a cherché à lever le voile sur la nouvelle parole politique, tiraillée entre la transmission des idéologies et la politique spectacle. La première partie de ce travail de recherche jette les bases théoriques de la communication politique et du discours politique généralisables à toutes les démocraties occidentales, en centrant son attention sur le cas espagnol, qui a su adapter sa manière de communiquer et de produire des discours dans la sphère politique aux exigences contemporaines sous l’égide du marketing politique. La seconde partie interroge les spots électoraux émis par les deux partis majoritaires au cours des élections législatives de 1982 à 2008 du point de vue des stratégies discursives en portant une attention particulière à l’image. La troisième partie livre une analyse lexicale des discours d’investiture prononcés depuis 1982 par les chefs de gouvernement espagnols, étude complétée par une analyse du contenu qui met en exergue les caractéristiques de chacun d’entre eux et confronte chaque allocution au débat qui a opposé le candidat aspirant à la Moncloa au porte-parole de l’opposition. / In this thesis, I intend to investigate the Spanish means of political communication that have been reactivated after more than forty years of dictatorship, and to pay particular attention to the new communication strategy that Spain has had to reinvent, by drawing inspiration from marketing practices already well established in her European and American counterparts. Encouraged by the increase in the number of elections, the proliferation of parliamentary speeches and the development of mass media, a new kind of political language has come about between the political communicators who are the politicians, the media, and the public. Furthermore, set in an extremely rich socio-historic context, the political speeches delivered in democratic Spain (1982-2008) by the PP and the PSOE during or outside their campaigns not only deal with a society in transition to democracy and which is internationally recognised on the but they also mark the end of ideological splits. The variety of documents in my corpus aims at unveiling the new political vocabulary, pulled between conveying ideologies and « showbiz politics ». The first part of this research lays the foundations of political communication and political language that can be applied to all western democracies, focusing on the Spanish case which was able to adapt its way of communicating and producing speeches in the political sphere to the contemporary requirements under the aegis of political marketing. The second part questions t both major parties’ party political broadcast during the general elections from 1982 to 2008 from the strategic point of view of the speeches, by paying particular attention to images. Third part is a lexical analysis of nomination speeches since 1982 by successive Spanish heads of government. This study is completed by an analysis of the content of the speeches and compares every political commentary with the debate that set the candidate aspiring to the Moncloa against the opposition’s spokesman.

Nicolas Sarkozy est un personnage politique à part entière. En cinq ans (de 2002 à 2007), il a su se construire une notoriété et une popularité qui lui ont permis de devenir président de la République dès le premier essai et ce, malgré sept ans d’absence, suite à son malheureux soutien à Edouard Balladur en 1995. Quelle fut sa recette ? Une communication issue du marketing politique, lui même issu du marketing commercial, mais pas seulement. La saturation de l’espace médiatique pour créer l’actualité plutôt que la subir est un des principaux ingrédients de ce succès. Un autre ingrédient est le « story telling » qui a été emprunté au monde du spectacle et qui consiste à présenter le personnage de Nicolas Sarkozy en action certes, mais pas uniquement dans le domaine politique. Il a également séduit son électorat avec l’affichage de sa vie privée. Il est devenu une espèce de vedette suivie et commentée par les médias. Alors, que s’est-il passé après son élection ?L’étalage de sa vie privée, ses réactions excessives et son goût prononcé pour l’argent et le luxe ont dévoilé la personnalité d’un homme, différente du personnage qu’il avait construit. En effet, de 2007 à 2012, ses cotes de confiance et de popularité ont baissé constamment dans les sondages. De fait, cette baisse a commencé avant même qu’il ait mis en place une politique impopulaire. Ainsi, nous nous trouvons devant les limites du marketing politique et de la communication. Alors que ces éléments ont permis à Nicolas Sarkozy d’atteindre son objectif du premier coup, ils lui ont été insuffisants pour gouverner la France. Pourquoi ? Parce qu’ils sont uniquement des outils de la forme. Peut-être a-t-il manqué de substance sur le fond. En effet, qu’a t-il fait concrètement pour le pays ? Quel fut l’impact de sa façon de faire de la politique dans notre démocratie ? Quel est le regard des observateurs étrangers sur ce président ? Et surtout, quelle est notre part de responsabilité en tant que citoyens ? / Nicolas Sarkozy is a figure unlike any other in French politics. In five years (from 2002 to 2007), he rose to a level of prominence, allowing him to be elected President in his first attempt. President Sarkozy was elected even after stepping out of visibility in French politics for seven years, due to his unfavorable support of Eduard Balladur, who lost the Presidential election in 1995. How did Sarkozy accomplish this? He implemented a communication strategy, inspired by political and business marketing. Sarkozy’s main strategy was to saturate mainstream media and create his own news rather than be subject to third party reporting. Sarkozy also used “story telling” and pop culture to portray himself as a “people”, presenting his day-to-day life, outside of politics. That’s how he succeeded in seducing the electorate by exposing his private life and becoming a media celebrity. So what happened after his election?By showing off his private life, losing his temper in public and revealing his keen taste for money and luxury, Sarkozy presented a man very different than the figure he constructed during his five years campaign. From 2007 to 2012, Sarkozy’s approval rating dropped consistently, even before presenting any unpopular reforms. Therefore one can see the limits of political marketing and communications, which were fundamental in Sarkozy’s rise to power but proved to be inadequate in facilitating the use of this newly acquired power. Why? In the end Sarkozy’s marketing and communications strategy was merely a superficial instrument, lacking any real substance. After all, what did Sarkozy accomplish for France? What was the impact of Sarkozy’s politics for France’s democracy? What is the opinion of the foreign press, concerning the former president? Finally and more importantly still, what is our responsibility as citizens?

Valaffischer är ett gammalt traditionellt medium för politiska partier att nå ut med sin kommunikation med. Men trots de nya tillvägagångssätten att nå ut med sin kommunikation tack vare digitaliseringen, är valaffischer fortfarande ett aktuellt medium trots att de har använts under så pass lång tid. Sverigedemokraterna är ett relativt “ungt” parti. De blirintressanta att studera då de har sina rötter i nazismen och därifrån har de snabbt vuxit till att bli Sveriges tredje största parti. Studien redovisar en analys av Sverigedemokraternas professionalisering och hur deras utveckling av valaffischer sett ut under valrörelserna 2006, 2010, 2014 och 2018. Totalt har det analyserats femton valaffischer som ingått i Sverigedemokraternas valkampanjer under de fyra senaste valrörelserna. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka vad professionaliseringen av politiken har haft för betydelse för Sverigedemokraternas visuella politiska kommunikation, i form av deras valaffischer. Därav formades frågeställningar för att svara påsyftet: “Hur har Sverigedemokraternas kommunikation genom valaffischer förändrats från2006 till 2018?” och “Hur har professionaliseringen av visuell politisk kommunikation tagit form i Sverigedemokraternas valaffischer?” Valaffischerna i denna studie utgår från en kvalitativ textanalys och med fokus på ett parti. Den kvalitativa textanalysen utgår från en semiotisk analys, där den analysmodell som använts är en sammansättning av 5 teman, 14 kategorier och 1 underkategori. Valaffischerna i studien har framförallt analyserat med hjälp av tidigare forskning av Nicklas Håkansson, Bengt Johansson och Orla Vigsø (2014), som ofta ses som referenser i samband med studier av valaffischer. Teorierna politisk kommunikation och professionalisering ligger till grunden för denna studie. Resultatet av analysen har applicerats på fyra tidsperioder i valaffischernas utveckling och slutsatsen visar på att Sverigedemokraterna har genomgått en förändring i professionaliseringen av valaffischer mellan åren 2006 och 2018, fast under kortare tid än de fyra tidsperioderna. Det är en förändring som anpassats i takt med utvecklingen i samhället, bland annat i form av den digitala utvecklingen och utvecklingen av specialistyrken inom marknadsföring och visuell kommunikation. Förändringen av Sverigedemokraternas kommunikation i valaffischer har bland att visats i att de har gått från att använda tydliga budskap och starka åsikter, till att deras budskap har blivit mer och mer abstrakt och att de inte längre behöver argumentera för sin sak. Deras åsikter har normaliserats till den grad att de inte längre behöver övertyga väljarna på samma sätt genom sina valaffischer. / Election posters are an old traditional medium for political parties to reach out with their communication. Despite the new approaches to reach out with political communication thanks to digitalization, election posters are still a relevant medium despite having been used for a long time. Sverigedemokraterna are a relatively "young" party. They became interesting for this study as they have their roots in nazism and therefrom quickly grew to become Sweden's third largest party. This study presents an analysis of Sverigedemokraterna’s professionalization of electionposters during the electoral campaigns 2006, 2010, 2014 and 2018. A total of fifteen electionposters were analyzed, all of which were included in Sverigedemokraterna’s electioncampaigns during four different electoral movements. The purpose of this study is to investigate the importance of professionalization of politics for Sverigedemokraterna’s visualpolitical communication, in form of their election posters. From this, questions at issue were formulated to answer the purpose: How has the communication through election posters from Sverigdemokraterna changed from 2006 to 2018? and How has the professionalization of visual political communication shown in Sverigedemokraternas election posters? The election posters in this study are processed on the basis of a qualitative textanalysis and with focus on one party. The qualitative textanalysis is based on a semiotic analysis, where a analysis model is used. The analysis model is a composition of 5 themes, 14 categories and 1 subcategory. The results of the study have primarily been analyzed with the help of previous research by Nicklas Håkansson, Bengt Johansson and Orla Vigsø (2014), who are often seen as references in connection with studies of election posters. The theories of political communication and professionalization form the basis of this study. The result of the analysis has been applied to a four time period in the development of the election posters and the conclusion shows that Sverigedemokraterna has gone through a change in the professionalization of election posters between 2006 and 2018, though for shorter periods than the four time periods of election posters. It is a change that has been adapted in line with developments in society, including in the form of digital development and the development of specialist professions in marketing and visual communication. The professionalization has also shown through the normalization of the party. The change inSverigedemokraterna’s communication in election posters has among other things been shown in their use of clear messages and strong opinions in their election posters to that their message has become more and more abstract and that they no longer need to argue for their cause. Their opinions have been normalized to the point that they no longer need to convince voters and other parties with their election posters.

A l’instar d’autres pays, le Printemps arabe s’est soldé au Maroc par l’accession des islamistes au pouvoir ; une victoire surprenante que d’aucuns mettent sur le compte de la capacité du PJD (parti islamiste) à surfer sur la vague des revendications populaires en prenant, à son propre compte, les doléances phares des manifestants, et ce, notamment par le biais de stratégies d’influence et de manipulation politiques. Mais l’arrivée du PJD à la tête de l’exécutif marocain aura surtout permis de révéler M. Benkirane, en tant que personnalité politique hors du commun ayant su imposer une communication politique fondamentalement différente de celles de ses prédécesseurs, mais également fondée sur un usage intensif de procédés d’influence et de manipulation. Car ce qui caractérise l’entrée de ce leader islamiste sur la scène politique marocaine par la plus haute des fonctions, c’est le fait qu’il s’est progressivement départi de sa communication d’opposant islamiste pour adopter une communication dotée de nouvelles orientations. Les principaux traits de cette nouvelle ligne politique sont le changement de position par rapport aux assises doctrinales majeures du PJD ainsi qu’une rétraction par rapport aux engagements brandis lors du Printemps arabe et de la campagne électorale des législatives de 2011. Ce changement d’orientation en matière de communication politique est, pensons-nous, l’œuvre manifeste de stratégies d’influence et de manipulation politiques que M. Benkirane orchestre subtilement. La présente thèse s’assigne pour objectif de mettre en exergue ces stratégies telles qu’elles sont à l’œuvre dans la communication politique de M. Benkirane. / Comparable to other countries in the region, the Arab Spring resulted in Morocco with the rise of Islamists to power ; a surprising victory that some justify as the ability of the PJD (Islamist party) to ride the wave of popular demands by taking, on its own, the main complaints of protesters using strategies of political influence and manipulation. The arrival of PJD as head of the Moroccan executive revealed Mr. Benkirane, as an outstanding political figure who knew how to impose a political communication fundamentally different from those of his predecessors founded on strong use of influence and manipulation methods. Indeed, what characterizes the entry of this Islamist leader on the Moroccan political scene is the fact that he progressively diverted his communication from an Islamist opponent to adopt a communication with new orientations. The main features of this new political line are the change of position to the major doctrinal foundations of the PJD as well as a withdrawal from the commitments made during the Arab Spring and the electoral campaign of 2011 elections. The orientation of Mr. Benkirane political communication is, I believe, the manifest subtle orchestration of strategies of influence and political manipulation. This dissertation aims to highlight these strategies as they are manifested in the political communication of Mr. Benkirane.

Den här studien fokuserar på hur Vänsterpartiet och Sverigedemokraterna konstruerat en av sina valfilmer inför valet 2018. Studiens syfte är att undersöka hur visuella och retoriska medel används och samverkar samt hur respektive partis ideologi tydliggörs i valfilmerna. Detta görs för att klargöra vilket/vilka budskap samt vilken bild av verkligheten som sänds ut när partierna själva får styra den politiska kommunikationen. För att kunna se hur valfilmerna konstruerats används semiotik, retorik och ideologi som både teori och metod eftersom dessa i kombination med varandra kan ge ett sammanhållet resultat.   Studiens analysgenomförande grundar sig i begrepp hämtade från semiotiken, retoriken och ideologin i kombination med en kvalitativ textanalys. Med hjälp av den kvalitativa textanalysen gjordes först en närläsning av texten för att därefter få fram det mest väsentliga i respektive valfilm och på så sätt få fram de underliggande budskapen i valfilmerna. Resultatet av analysen visar att med hjälp av semiotiska och retoriska medel konstruerar Vänsterpartiets valfilm en verklighet som består av ett splittrat samhälle, men också hur denna splittring kan överkommas gemensamt. Budskapet är hoppfullt och framåtsträvande. Vänsterpartiets socialistiska värderingar är även tydliga i valfilmen. Sverigedemokraternas valfilm målar upp en verklighet som är kaotisk, mörk och hotfull. Budskapet som sänds ut är att Sverigedemokraterna och deras partiledare Jimmie Åkesson är de enda som kan rädda Sverige från totalt förfall. Sverigedemokraternas valfilm fokuserar till största del på sakfrågor men vissa nationalistiska och konservativa värderingar framträder. / This study focuses on how the Left Party and the Sweden Democrats constructed one of their election films for the 2018 election. The purpose of the study is to investigate how visual and rhetorical means are used and collaborate, as well as how each party's ideology is clarified. This is done to explain what message and what image of reality that are being sent out when the parties themselves control the political communication. To be able to understand how the electoral films have been constructed, semiotics, rhetoric, and ideology are used both as theory and method because these, in combination with each other, can give a coherent result. The study's analysis implementation is based on concepts derived from semiotics, rhetoric, and ideology in combination with qualitative text analysis. With help from the qualitative text analysis, a close reading of the text was first made to be able to find the most important aspects of each election films, leading to the hidden constructed meanings. The result of the analysis shows that with the help of semiotic and rhetorical means, the Left Party's election film constructs a reality that consists of a divided society, but also how this split can be overcome jointly. The message is hopeful and forward-looking. The Left Party's socialist values are also clear in the election film. The Swedish Democrats' election film paints a reality that is chaotic, dark and threatening. The message sent out is that the Sweden Democrats and their party leader Jimmie Åkesson are the only ones who can save Sweden from total decay. The Swedish Democrats' election film focuses mainly on issues of fact, but certain nationalist and conservative values emerge.

A presente dissertação investiga o jornalismo exercido pela TV Alerj (Assembleia Legislativa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro), estabelecendo como objeto específico a análise do Jornal da Alerj, principal telejornal da emissora. A partir do método do modo de endereçamento de telejornais exibidos 2013, seus resultados nos permitem afirmar que as edições recorrem a uma série de recursos e formatos de construção da imagem do Parlamento como instituição que presta contas ao cidadão, oferece transparência em seus atos e procura dar significatividade a assuntos que geralmente estão à margem do conhecimento público. Por outro lado, a mesma metodologia possibilitou identificar estratégias que contribuem para o silenciamento de discursos e gestos políticos e práticas que reforçam o centralismo de atores políticos, distanciando-se da missão de um veículo estatal com papel público de informar e com uma alta carga de institucionalidade. Para aferir os resultados, adotamos como percurso teórico o princípio da publicidade de Kant e dialogamos o conceito com a esfera pública habermasiana, sob a perspectiva de ser mais do que uma arena de debates, mas um referencial de visibilidade e discussão públicas. Desse modelo, resultam propostas em torno da Comunicação Pública em diferentes realidades (França, Itália, Reino Unido, Colômbia e Brasil) e a aplicação nas emissoras legislativas

This research sought to explore media framing theory, first introduced by Erving Goffman, which asserts that the media portray certain items in a way that affects awareness, salience and tone of those items. There has long been debate about media framing especially as it pertains to the framing of violent events. Mass shootings are of particular interest because of the graphic and often senseless nature of the crime. This study looked particularly at the 2011 Tucson, Arizona mass shooting. A content analysis of articles between February 7, 2010, and November 8, 2011, was conducted to explore media framing of gun control after the Tucson, Arizona mass shooting involving U. S. Representative Gabrielle Giffords. Results showed an equal amount of articles with a negative or neutral tone, with the tone shifting to being more frequently neutral after the shooting. The topic shifted toward legislation, adding further support to media framing theory. These findings have impacts for media and public relations.

The present study analyzes the way in which Toni Morrison, an established author, was covered by U.S. newspapers in the year before and year following her selection for Opraha's Book Club. The content analysis method was used in the research, and the results were used to test 6 hypotheses and 6 research questions. The results indicated that there was a significant increase in the total number of mentions of Toni Morrison in the year after her inclusion in Opraha's Book Club. The overwhelming trend that was seen in all variable comparisons was that while there were obviously more mentions of Toni Morrison post-Book Club, there were also increases and changes in the tone, page placement, and story placement of the mentions of Toni Morrison .