The purpose of this study is to arrive at a critical overview of politics and literature in the Chinese context. The relationship has increasingly become a "field" of studies and theoretical inquiry that most scholars in either disciplines are wary to tread. This thesis tries to venture into this problematic field by a theoretical examination as well as an empirical critique of Chinese literature and politics, where the relationship seems even more paradoxical, but adds more insight into the argument. The Introduction and Chapter One set up a framework by asking some general but fundamental questions: what literature is, and how it is to be related to politics. Chapter Two examines the historical function of literature and Chinese writers in society to establish the basis of argument in the Chinese context. Chapter Three focuses the discussion on the relationship between politics and literature during the Mao era and after. Chapters Four analyses the literary works published during the post-Mao period to establish the argument that literature, as part of our perception of the world, is most concerned with human society and social amelioration and participates in the socio-political development by contributing to it through a discourse that is otherwise inaccessible. Chapter Five explores the argument further by extending it into the field of cinema, which basically comes from the same narrative tradition of prose literature, but offers a wider and different dimension to the argument pursued. Chapter Six and the Conclusion try to draw together the argument by examining literature as both form and content to argue how and why literature is related to politics and how it has functioned in a political manner in Chinese society. To summarise, Chinese literature in this period will b& shown to be involved In a process of political reform and development by way of bringing the reader to participate in a critical and philosophical dialogue with power, history and future. In the long run, it offers emancipating visions and possibilities revealed to the reader in ways that are historical, developmental, philosophical and comparative. This study focuses on the prose fiction published in this period, for it is the leading force in China's cultural development and constitutes the major trunk of the modern Chinese canon. In addition, the research also extends to drama and films, and the way they, together with prose fiction, make up the most popular perception and intellectual discovery of contemporary Chinese society and politics and best inform the argument of the study of politics and literature.

This study seeks to analyze the process of transition and democratization in Kyrgyzstan from 1990 to 2000. The collapse of the Soviet Union opened new political perspectives for Kyrgyzstan and a chance to develop sovereign state based on democratic principles and values. Initially Kyrgyzstan attained some progress in building up a democratic state. However, in the second half of 1990s Kyrgyzstan shifted toward authoritarianism. Therefore, the full-scale transition to democracy has not been realized, and a well-functioning democracy has not been established. This study aims to focus on the impediments that led to the failure of establishing democracy in Kyrgyzstan. It analyzes the role of economy, political elites and political culture in the form of tribalism in Kyrgyzstan within the framework of the economic and political changes that have been undergoing since independence. The political and economic developments in Kyrgyzstan are discussed with specific reference to the hardships in economic transition, elite continuity and role of tribal and clan structures in present politics.

The concepts of power and state - particularly embedded in the idea of the Great Power, with a geopolitical perspective and a profoundly aggressive character - are tantamount in importance to the Russia's elite political ideology. However, the existence of different emphases within such a political ideology, ranging from the active-obstructive to the passive stances, brings into question the factors of variation that might be responsible for the elite's level of determination to pursue these concepts over an internal or foreign policy development. In addressing this query, two tasks are set: descriptive - involving a survey of the content of Russian aggressive political ideology over different periods in history; and explanatory - determining circumstances that might account for the empowerment of one or other option of Russian aggressive political ideology. Therefore, the thesis includes a comparison of historical periods with similar relevance to the Russian state. The concern here is in relation to shifting factors of variations of aggressive political ideology acting in the space-frame of one state, but in different time-frame. Resting on these frames the thesis explores the shaping of the Russian elite's defining principles of state internal and foreign policy development and traces the factors of variation responsible for the empowerment of one or other particular form of the aggressive political ideology. The factors of variation discussed in the thesis are different in nature and intensity. The primary impetus for variation in the form that aggressive political ideology would take is determined by the factor of national distress. Other factors (regime volatility, political and economic motivations, information dissemination, and challenges within the international system) are responsible for the depth and extent to which aggressive ideology is going to resonate. No factor could create the variation by itself. The argument is that a specific set of factors is required to create the conditions for variations in the form the aggressive political ideology would take and to determine whether aggressive ideology would generate or not an obstructive political decision.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Southern California, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 235-269).

Zugl.: Stuttgart, Universiẗat, Diss., 2005.

Teilw. zugl.: Trier, Universiẗat, Diss., 2005.

Historians have long struggled to conceptualise the Holy Roman Empire in the later Middle Ages. This thesis seeks to provide an interpretation of political life in the Empire which captures the structures and dynamics in evidence in the sources. It does so through a comparative study of the varied socio-political elites along the Upper Rhine between 1350 and 1500, with frequent reference to other regions of the Empire. The thesis is divided into three sections. Part I, consisting of four chapters, examines the shared and interconnective characteristics of several spheres of activity - the documentary, judicial, ritual, military, and administrative - in which various elites interacted through the same practices and conventions. Part II (five chapters) deals with the types of contractual association which emerged organically from these shared and interconnective structures and practices. It shows that these associations - leagues, alliances, judicial agreements, coinage unions, and others - were more common and more similar than typically assumed, that they regulated key judicial and military affairs, and that they reflected a shared ideology which emphasised peace-keeping and the common good within the Empire's framework. Part III of the thesis shows how the structures and dynamics explored in Parts I and II played out in specific situations by reference to three case studies in the 1370s-'80s, 1410s-'30s, and 1460s-'70s. All three demonstrate how the 'associative political culture' model can illuminate events which were previously considered to be moments of crisis or chaos, or the products of 'territorial' or 'constitutional' processes. The thesis concludes by arguing that, in light of this evidence, the Holy Roman Empire is best understood as a community of interdependent elites who interacted within a shared 'associative political culture'. This conclusion highlights the need for a new paradigm beyond those of the 'territory', the 'constitution', or the centralising 'state'.

Este trabalho procura mostrar a formação de uma cultura política, no contexto peruano do século XX, a partir da análise de uma parte significativa da imprensa nacional. Constata-se que as diferentes abordagens produzidas pelos segmentos políticos mais importantes, a oligarquia peruana e o Partido Aprista Peruano, contribuíram decisivamente para a proliferação de valores, conceitos e práticas políticas autoritárias, radicais e mesmo violentas através de seus principais veículos de comunicação, respectivamente, os jornais El Comercio e La Tribuna. São, inclusive, co-responsáveis pela frequente imposição de regimes anômalos, como ditaduras civis e militares. Restringindo a pesquisa aos momentos nos quais a liberdade de expressão permitiu o convívio legalizado de ambos periódicos, especialmente entre os anos de 1931/1932 e 1945/1948, estabelece-se uma comparação integral dos conteúdos publicados, percorrendo a trajetória que levou à fixação dos posicionamentos daqueles agentes políticos, sua importância no comportamento político e mesmo o desdobramento das influências por eles exercidas em períodos posteriores. / This work presents the formation of a political culture in the Peruvian context of the 20th century from an analysis of a significant part of the national press. The different approaches used by the most important political segments, the Peruvian oligarchy and the Partido Aprista Peruano, contributed decisively to widespread values, concepts and radical, authoritarian and even violent political practices through the main press, respectively the newspapers El Comercio and La Tribuna. Both were co-responsible for the frequent imposition of anomalous regimes such as military and civil dictatorships. Narrowing the scope of the research to the periods in which freedom of speech enabled the legal co-existence of both newspapers, especially between 1931/1932 and 1945/1948, it is possible to compare the content published to understand the establishment of these two political agents, their importance in the national political behavior as well as the unfolding of their political influences later on in history.

A desconfiança tem sido uma característica constante em vários países democráticos. Um forte motivo para esse comportamento é que em diversas sociedades os cidadãos não mostram satisfação com atividades governamentais, tais como disponibilização ou o acesso a bens e serviços. Mas, para que governos possam ofertar esses bens e serviços, é necessário que a população cumpra alguns deveres na relação Sociedade-Estado. Faz parte dessas obrigações o pagamento de impostos, previsto na teoria do contrato social, que define direitos e deveres mútuos para os atores acima referidos. O dever do Estado é buscar o bem comum. Contudo, pesquisas de opinião têm revelado a fragilidade da relação supracitada, o que pode colocar em risco a estabilidade democrática. Esta tese se propõe a pesquisar, a partir da teoria da cultura política, as relações entre a percepção tributária e as bases de sustentação da democracia (o apoio e a satisfação dos brasileiros em relação à democracia no Brasil), aspectos fundamentais para a manutenção do contrato social e do equilíbrio democrático. A pesquisa tem natureza quantitativa, com uso de bancos de dados de diferentes pesquisas realizadas em âmbito nacional. Os resultados do estudo sugerem que a atual percepção tributária da população brasileira favorece atitudes e comportamentos deletérios para as bases democráticas do país. / Distrust has been a constant characteristic in many democratic countries. A big reason for this behavior is that citizens in different societies do not show satisfaction with government activities, such as availability or access to goods and services. But, for governments can offer such goods and services, it is necessary that the population meets some duties in the relation State-Society. Part of those obligations is to pay taxes, predicted by social contract theory, which defines mutual rights and duties for the actors mentioned above. The state's duty is to seek the common good. However, polls has revealed the fragility of the relationship above, which can endanger democratic stability. This dissertation aims to explore, from the theory of political culture, relations between taxes perceptions and the bases of sustentation for democracy (the support and the satisfaction of Brazilians regarding democracy in Brazil), essential aspects for the maintenance of the social contract and democratic balance. The research is quantitative, using databases from different surveys conducted nationwide. The study results suggests that the current tax perception of the population favors deleterious attitudes and behaviors to the democratic foundations of the country.

Esta dissertação trata de examinar a participação política em Porto Alegre, Montevidéu e Santiago do Chile. Para isso, lança mão de variáveis pertinentes a três conceitos, quais sejam: avaliação de serviços, cultura política e capital social. Partiu-se das premissas de que uma melhor avaliação dos serviços, assim como aspectos como valores democráticos, interesse por política e maiores índices de confiança interpessoal e institucional poderiam incidir para que os cidadãos das três cidades participem da política, em partidos, conselhos populares e manifestações. O trabalho evidenciou que os impactos das diferentes variáveis se configuram muitas vezes de maneira diferente de acordo com o contexto examinado, não apenas em intensidade, com também em termos de natureza das relações. Além disso, tornou clara a relevância de elementos principalmente da cultura política, como interesse, atribuição de importância à participação e personalismo, e de capital social, com destaque para a dimensão de confiança institucional. / This dissertation analyzes the political participation of citizens in Porto Alegre, Brazil Montevideo, Uruguay and Santiago, Chile. To attain this objective it utilizes three variables derived from three key concepts: services evaluation, political culture and social capital. The study is based on the premise that a better services evaluation, as well as democratic values, political interest e higher levels of interpersonal and institutional trust could influence in the decision of the citizens of the three cities studied to engage in politics, political parties, popular councils and manifestations. The research evidenced that the impact of the different variables vary, given the context examined, not only in terms of intensity, but also in terms of the nature of the relations. Besides the study also showed the relevance of some elements of political culture such as interest in politics, political participation, personalism and social capital, especially institutional trust.