Esta pesquisa investigou os processos de referenciação do ponto de vista argumentativo, e observou, especificamente, as ocorrências de expressões nominais definidas e indefinidas em discursos produzidos por grupos políticos em situação de debate na televisão. O corpus selecionado compreendeu um debate político organizado pelo programa Roda Viva, transmitido pela TV Cultura de São Paulo, em 15 de julho de 2005, cujos debatedores, deputados e senadores, integrantes da CPI dos Correios, estavam divididos em dois grupos partidários: a oposição, formada por representantes dos partidos PFL, PPS e PSDB, e os governistas, do partido do PT. Estabelecemos em quais condições específicas de produção esse discurso foi elaborado e observamos as características específicas tanto do suporte, quanto do gênero no corpus selecionado. Analisamos a interação entre os debatedores, para observar a seleção lingüística a que cada um deles procedeu para construir determinados referentes, e examinamos o encaminhamento argumentativo que se constituiu na rede referencial. Enfim, investigamos como as orientações argumentativas se construíram de maneira interativa entre os grupos, já que estes, apesar de cumprirem o mesmo papel social na situação interacional, encontravam-se em posições partidárias distintas. Adotamos por referencial teórico: estudos sobre a referenciação, em Mondada e Dubois (2003), Apothéloz (2003), Marcuschi e Koch (1998); reflexões em torno da argumentação, em Perelman e Olbrechts-Tyteca (1958, 2002), Charaudeau (2006) e Aquino (1997); investigações sobre a modalidade falada da língua quanto às questões de interação, em Aquino, Fávero e Andrade (1998) e Marcuschi (2001). / This research investigated the referencial processes from the argumentative point of view, and observed, specifically, the occurrences of nominal expressions in political debates in the media. The corpus consisted of a political debate organized by Roda Viva, a program transmitted by TV Cultura of São Paulo, on July 15 2005, whose participants (politicians) were divided into two groups: the opposition, formed by PFL, PPS and PSDB members, and governmetalists, who belonged to the PT. The particular conditions of production of the participants´ discourses were described and the specific characteristics of both the support and the genre were observed. The analysis of the interaction between the participants was carried out in order to observe the linguistic selection that each one of them used to construct the textual referents, and to examine the argumentative orientation that was established in the referencial net. At last, we investigated how the argumentative orientations were constructed interactively by the groups, since they, in spite of having the same social role, took opposite stands. The adopted bibliographical references were: studies on the referentiation, in Mondada and Dubois (2003), Apothéloz (2003), Marcuschi and Koch (1998); reflections upon argumentation, in Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca (1958, 2002), Charaudeau (2006) and Aquino (1997) stand out; inquiries on spoken language, specially concerning interaction questions, in Aquino, Fávero and Andrade (1998) and Marcuschi (2001).

This thesis analysed the variety of views expressed about disparities between Romanian Roma and non-Roma by people who are actively engaged in redressing unjust social and economic differences. The focus was placed on the variability of views between and within three different contexts: academic texts proposing policy measures for addressing disparities between Roma and non-Roma people; policy documents concerning measures for Roma inclusion; and conversations by people involved in the implementation of Roma inclusion policy measures. The general concerns of this study were to identify (1) the ways in which the problem of ethnic disparity was portrayed, (2) the solutions proposed to the problem of ethnic disparity, (3) the ambivalent, dilemmatic or concealed aspects concerning the topic of disparities between Roma and non-Roma people living in Romania, (4) whether the perspectives of Roma people were accounted for in the contexts analyses and (5) the similarities and differences between the discourses of academics, policy makers, practitioners and beneficiaries of public policies concerning disparities. The theoretical foundation for this thesis was offered by the social psychological literature that links disparities between groups of people and racial or ethnic prejudice. There are four ways in which this thesis has contributed to this literature. Firstly, most of the social psychological research on ethnic disparities has been experimental, whereas in this thesis, the focus was on the often overlooked discursive practices concerning ethnic disparities. Secondly, although some of the social psychological literature, especially research on the contact hypothesis and social identity theory, has looked at the dynamic interrelationship between advantaged and disadvantaged group members, most research has focused only on the perspectives of the advantaged group members. Therefore, there remains a research gap in the literature concerning the perspectives presented in inter-ethnic interactions, and even more so, by disadvantaged group members. This thesis added to the analysis the perspectives of advantaged and disadvantaged group members, both separately and in interaction. Thirdly, whereas emergent work looks at the ambivalent views towards ethnic or racial minorities, and the possible ironic effects of prejudice reduction strategies, there is virtually no research about the possible ironic, ambivalent or dilemmatic effects of strategies which target systemic based ethnic disparities - issues explored in this thesis. Finally, most social psychological research focuses on a single context of study, most commonly the public perceptions about members of the disadvantaged groups, but also marginally mass media representations, academic publications or political discourses. This thesis places attention on an equally important area of study concerned with whether and how discourses can move between different domains, and the impact or acknowledgement of elite discourses on the everyday conversations. There are four key findings that emerged from the studies conducted for this thesis. Firstly, it was found that while expressing views about ethnic disparity, academics, policymakers, practitioners and beneficiaries of public policies for Roma people displayed subtle forms of ethnicism. Secondly, a great deal of political discourse was devoted to the encouragement of individual changes in ethnic minorities, without a similar focus on the roles of majority group members in perpetuating inequality. Whereas, the problem of Roma inclusion was acknowledged by academics, policymakers, practitioners and beneficiaries of policy measures, to be a matter for public policies, some of the attribution of responsibility for inclusion was offered to Roma people, who were encouraged to change as individuals in accord with majoritarian norms. Thirdly, the analysis showed the inclusion of the perspectives of ethnic minorities only in two of the three contexts where policy measures for Roma people were proposed and implemented: academic publications and conversations. The perspectives of feminist experts and women were only marginally present in academic publications and conversations, while missing from policy discourses. Also the perspectives of academics or the non-hegemonic voices of excluded or disadvantaged Roma people were largely absent from the arguments presented in policy documents for Roma inclusion. Lastly, this thesis found that there are ambivalence, dilemmas and concealment at work within arguments proposing policy measures for redressing ethnic disparities, with important political consequences. The findings of this thesis contribute to the important conversation about the meanings of disparity and the political solutions for achieving equality between groups of people. Also, the findings of this thesis have important implications for the social psychological theory of disparity, the policies for redressing disparity and the social work practice with disadvantaged group members.

<p>The Chronica regni Gothorum is the first Latin national history of Sweden. Completed after 1471 by a canon of Uppsala, Ericus Olai, it testifies to the articulation at the Swedish arch see of the dominant political issues of the day: the status of the Swedish realm in the union with Denmark-Norway, and the relations between the king, aristocracy and ecclesiastical leadership. This thesis analyses the discourse on authority in the Chronica. It investigates the normative basis of Ericus’s treatment of contemporary political issues as a source for the social-political outlooks of Sweden’s ecclesiastical power elite, a group not previously studied in this respect. In particular, it argues for the importance of two prescriptive assumptions on social order, which lie at the heart of the authority discourse in the Chronica: God divided the world into self-governing peoples and realms, and He instituted the lay and clerical orders as parallel hierarchies of societal authority.</p><p>The thesis situates the production of the Chronica within the educational concerns of the Uppsala institution. It scrutinizes the commonplaces – derived from various fields of knowledge – through which Ericus articulated his dualist and nationalist assumptions. The realization of these notions in his historical account is examined in sections of the text where matters of importance for the Uppsala church are evident. Special attention is paid to Ericus’s account of the royal martyr, St Erik, the so-called Engelbrekt rebellion, and the contemporary strife between the Uppsala church and the kings. The thesis ends with a study of the reception of the Chronica in the 1520s, a time when the Reformation and the consolidation of a strong national monarchy in Sweden brought the authority issues addressed by Ericus to conclusion.</p>

Im Zentrum steht die Genese einer sich im 20. Jahrhundert zunehmend ideologisierenden Schia, deren wachsende diskursive Macht sich mit der Iranischen Revolution von 1979 durch die Schaffung realpolitischer Strukturen in Form der velayāt-e faqih niederzuschlagen vermag. Untersucht wird, unter welchen Bedingungen der gesellschaftspolitische Entwurf des schiitischen Klerus sich auch im Hinblick auf existierende nicht-religiöse Gegendiskurse seiner Zeit – etwa aus der staatlichen Bürokratie, Intellektuellenzirkeln oder aus linken und nationalen Bewegungen – wandelte. Wie begegnete der Klerus den drängenden gesellschaftlichen Fragen der Moderne und wie wird der politische Diskurs heute geführt?

The Chronica regni Gothorum is the first Latin national history of Sweden. Completed after 1471 by a canon of Uppsala, Ericus Olai, it testifies to the articulation at the Swedish arch see of the dominant political issues of the day: the status of the Swedish realm in the union with Denmark-Norway, and the relations between the king, aristocracy and ecclesiastical leadership. This thesis analyses the discourse on authority in the Chronica. It investigates the normative basis of Ericus’s treatment of contemporary political issues as a source for the social-political outlooks of Sweden’s ecclesiastical power elite, a group not previously studied in this respect. In particular, it argues for the importance of two prescriptive assumptions on social order, which lie at the heart of the authority discourse in the Chronica: God divided the world into self-governing peoples and realms, and He instituted the lay and clerical orders as parallel hierarchies of societal authority. The thesis situates the production of the Chronica within the educational concerns of the Uppsala institution. It scrutinizes the commonplaces – derived from various fields of knowledge – through which Ericus articulated his dualist and nationalist assumptions. The realization of these notions in his historical account is examined in sections of the text where matters of importance for the Uppsala church are evident. Special attention is paid to Ericus’s account of the royal martyr, St Erik, the so-called Engelbrekt rebellion, and the contemporary strife between the Uppsala church and the kings. The thesis ends with a study of the reception of the Chronica in the 1520s, a time when the Reformation and the consolidation of a strong national monarchy in Sweden brought the authority issues addressed by Ericus to conclusion.

This dissertation analyzes the discourse of Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez in his weekly television show Aló Presidente. It focuses on the discursive practices in this genre by Chávez as an essential element in the Bolivarian Revolution; an exercise of power in itself, and a means to establish a direct relationship with the Venezuelan public. The analysis shows that Aló Presidente employs unique discursive strategies to engage in a national dialogue, including: the use of repetition, lists, and fragmentation through the alternation of discursive genres, as well as deictic shift; the establishment of an ideology, the presentation of selected themes and stories; the construction of relationships with established social categories (middle-aged women, high-ranking military personnel, militant youth, etc.) through dialogue with interlocutors during the show; and a strict hierarchy in which Chávez appears as the ultimate leader, through deixis, turn-taking, and the use of targeted speech acts. This study uses the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis, drawing mainly from Fairclough (2003) and van Dijk (1998, 2010). It also draws from theories of: (a) discourse genre, as in Charaudeau (2004) and Smith (2003); (b) deixis, as in Agha (2007); (c) dialogue, defined by Weigand (2009) and Tannen (2007); (d) political discourse, discussed in Chilton (2004); and (e) media discourse, as in Bourdieu (1991). The corpus is drawn from broadcasts ending with the digit 8 randomly selected between 2005 and 2007 (shows 218, 248, 278, 288, 298). The conclusion is that the show serves as the main communication strategy of the Revolution, establishing a direct relationship with viewers, in which several conventional procedures of television discourse are flaunted. The discourse, which is anchored in the category of space, is well established as a new genre in political media discourse. It is directed to Chávez’s followers, divided into specific target groups, in a hierarchical fashion in which he occupies the power position. The strategies adopted allow for a high level of involvement with the audience. The discursive practices developed are a key element in the advancement of the Revolution and are in line with its beliefs and attitudes. / text

The present research investigates political conceptual metaphors and their translation in Hillary Rodham Clinton autobiography “Living History” (2003). It sets out to explore conceptual metaphors in political discourse. As the study of political discourse covers a broad range of subject matters, herewith politicians’ memoirs, this book has been taken as source material. The analysis of a rather framed corpus allows to view and contrast distinguished conceptual metaphors in the source language and their rendering in the target language. The concept of politics has been taken as a source domain, in what have followed all possible classifications established. My investigation aims at already accepted conceptual metaphors (POLITICS IS WAR; POLITICS IS A JOURNEY, etc.) and less explored conceptual metaphors inherent in the above mentioned book and their translation into Lithuanian (POLITICS IS MEDICINE, POLITICS IS HUNTING, etc.). / Magistrinio darbo tema „Konceptualiosios metaforos politiniame diskurse ir jų vertimas iš anglų kalbos į lietuvių. Darbo tikslas yra nustatyti kaip konceptualiosios metaforos yra verčiamos iš anglų kalbos į lietuvių kalbą Hillary Rodham Clinton autobiografijoje „Gyvoji istorija“ (2003). Darbas susideda iš dviejų pagrindinių dalių: teorinės ir praktinės. Pirmoje dalyje aptariamos kognityviosios kalbotyros atsiradimo prielaidos ir konceptualiosios metaforos teorija, analizuojamos metaforinės kalbos ypatybes politiniame diskurse. Tai pat joje pateikiama išsamesnė metaforos vertimo teorijos apžvalga. Antroji dalis yra empirinė, kurioje konceptualiosios metaforos ir jų vertimas nagrinėjamas freimų teorijos požiūriu. Darbas grindžiamas G. Lakoff‘o ir M. Johnson‘o kognityviniu konceptualiosios metaforos požiūriu, kuri konceptualiosios metaforos pagrindu laiko žmogaus mintis, kalbą, elgesį. Buvo surinkti ir palyginti 740 pavyzdžių (lingvistinių manifestacijų) bei jų vertimų į lietuvių kalbą. Remiantis lingvistinių elementų sistemiškumu bei teminiu kryptingumu buvo išskirtos devynios konceptualiosios metaforos, kurių tikslo sritis yra politika: POLITIKA YRA KARAS, POLITIKA YRA SPORTAS, POLITIKA YRA KELIONĖ, POLITIKA YRA VERSLAS, POLITIKA YRA MEDICINA, POLITIKA YRA TEATRAS, POLITIKA YRA ARCHITEKTŪRA, POLITIKA YRA MEDŽIOKLĖ ir POLITIKA YRA ŽAIDIMAS. Vertimų analizė atlikta remiantis trimis vertimo modeliais. Ši analizė leidžia teigti, kad lingvistinės manifestacijos verčiant iš anglų... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Šio tyrimo tikslas buvo aprašyti argumentavimo technikos ypatumus metiniuose Rusijos prezidento Vladimiro Putino ir Lietuvos prezidento Valdo Adamkaus kreipimųsi tekstuose nuo 2000 iki 2007 m. Tyrimo tikslui pasiekti buvo iškelti šie uždaviniai: a) remiantis tyrimo medžiaga nustatyti kognityvines argumentacijos struktūras, b) aprašyti argumentacinio diskurso elementų realizacijas (tezės pateikimo tekste būdus, argumentų, kuriais grindžiama tezė, turinį ir apimtį). Darbe naudoti šie tyrimo metodai: kognityvinė analizė − ideologinio teksto kūrėjo sąmonės struktūroms nustatyti; loginė ir retorinė analizė − įtikinimo loginiam ir neloginiam aspektams ištirti; lyginamasis metodas − gautiems rezultatams palyginti. Tyrimo naujumas argumentuojamas tuo, jog darbe iškelta problema nėra išsamiai nagrinėta: tai pasakytina ir apie tyrimo medžiagą (argumentacijos klausimams lietuvių politiniame diskurse iki šiol nebuvo skiriama pakankamai dėmesio), ir apie argumentacijos analizės metodus (vis dar nėra sukurta išsami politinio diskurso argumentacijos analizės metodika). Disertacijai ginti teikiami šie teiginiai: 1. Prezidento kreipimasis yra hibridinio tipo kalbėjimo aktas, kuriame dera aprašomojo, vertinamojo bei argumentacinio kalbėjimo aktų savybės. 2. Tezė prezidento kreipimesi neeksplikuojama; klausytojas turi ją suprasti loginės indukcijos būdu, apibendrindamas pavyzdžius, kurie atlieka argumentų vaidmenį. 3. Kognityvinių struktūrų realizacija yra prezidentų kreipimųsi argumentacijos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The goal of the present research was to describe the peculiarities of argumentation technique in Russian and Lithuanian Presidents’ (Vladimir Putin and Valdas Adamkus, respectively) annual speeches covering the period of 2000-2007. In attempt to achieve the goal of the research, the following objectives have been pursued: a) what cognitive structures operate in particular argumentation, b) how the elements of argumentative discourse are realized (i.e. the ways of introducing a thesis statement into the text; the content and volume of arguments supporting the thesis). The methods employed are cognitive analysis (to distinguish the speaker’s structures of the conscious in attempt to generate an ideological text), logical-rhetorical analysis (to imply logical and illogical ways of persuading) and contrastive method (to examine and compare the findings). The novelty of the research lies in the fact that the research question has not been analysed in depth so far, i.e. neither the research subject (the issue of argumentation in Lithuanian political discourse has not received much attention yet), nor working out the methods of argumentation analysis (effective methods of argumentation analysis in political discourse have not been fully developed so far) were much of linguists interest. The claims of the dissertation: 1. Presidential annual speeches seem to be a hybrid type of a speech act which incorporates the qualities of descriptive, evaluative and argumentative speech acts. 2... [to full text]

The present study aims at analysing metaphor in the inaugural addresses of American Presidents. It is hypothesised that metaphor is a legitimization strategy which is employed to affect the audience. The research questions were formulated as follows: What conceptual metaphors and their linguistic realizations are used for legitimization in American Presidents’ inaugural addresses and what are their rhetorical implications? The study was carried out within the framework of the Critical Metaphor Theory suggested by Charteris-Black (2005), which is a blend of Conceptual Metaphor Theory and Critical Discourse Analysis. The corpus of the study was compiled of 14 and 16 inaugural addresses delivered by American Presidents affiliated to the Democratic and Republican parties respectively. To achieve the aim the following objectives were set. Firstly, metaphorical expressions were identified and ascribed to the conceptual metaphors they manifest. Secondly, the quantitative analysis was carried out to reveal the frequency of the metaphorical expressions underlying the prevailing conceptual metaphors in the inaugural addresses delivered by the members of both political parties. Finally, the realizations of the conceptual metaphors were contrasted and interpreted across the two political parties. The analysis revealed the following prevailing conceptual metaphors: AMERICA IS A FAMILY, AMERICA IS A PERSON, POLITICS IS A JOURNEY, SIGNIFICANT IS BIG, POLITICS IS A BUILDING, DIFFICULTIES ARE... [to full text] / Šis darbas nagrinėja metaforą kaip legitimizacijos strategiją, dominuojančią Amerikos prezidentų inauguracinių kalbų diskurse. Atlikti tyrimai rodo. kad metafora kaip legitimizacijos strategija yra vartojama siekiant daryti įtaką visuomenei. Tyrimui vykdyti buvo suformuoti tokie klausimai: kokios konceptualios metaforos yra vartojamos Amerikos prezidentų inauguracinėse kalbose legitimizacijos tikslais, kokia yra jų lingvistinė raiška ir kokia yra jų retorinė potekstė? Metafora politikoje, būdama šio tyrimo dėmesio centre, atsiduria tarp kognityvinės lingvistikos ir diskurso analizės. Panašu, kad abi šios mokslo sritys prisideda prie metaforų nagrinėjimo politiniame diskurse, sukurdamos aiškesnį jų pobūdžio ir veikimo ypatumų vaizdą. Taigi, šis tyrimas buvo atliktas remiantis Kritinės metaforos teorija, kuri yra Konceptualios metaforos teorijos ir Kritinės diskurso analizės derinys. Konceptualios metaforos teorijos pirmtakai Lakoff ir Johnson (1980: 4) parodė, jog mūsų konceptuali sistema savo prigimtimi yra iš esmės metaforinė. Metaforos esmė yra vieno dalyko supratimas ir patyrimas kito dalyko atžvilgiu. Mokslininkai teigia, jog konceptualios metaforos, kurios yra vartojamos politiniame diskurse, sėkmingai gali įtikinti, įteisinti bei įtakoti publiką. Susidomėjimas politikų kalba sustiprėjo diskurso tyrinėtojų dėka, kurie nagrinėja metaforų vartojimą politikų pasisakymuose, politinių partijų ir judėjimų dokumentuose, žiniasklaidoje, pokalbiuose prie apvalaus stalo, debatuose... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

The principal objective of this study was to explore what rhetorical strategies and stylistic devices Presidents Dalia Grybauskaitė and Barack Obama use in their political speeches and how these devices help them to gain the audience’s attention and render the message. The speeches of the two Presidents Dalia Grybauskaitė and B. Obama were analyzed in order to highlight the patterns of the usage of rhetorical strategies and to investigate the stylistic devices which are aimed at making speech more emphatic, expressive and persuasive. The method chosen for the study was content analysis including generalization and evaluation of the results. The results of the research showed a significant contribution of stylistic means to persuade the listeners on an emotional level or even to manipulate them. The next step of the study must be conducted to determine stylistic means which can influence rhythmical feature of the speech. / Magistro darbo tikslas- išryškinti retorinių strategijų modelius, ištirti stilistines priemones, kurios yra naudojamos prezidentų Dalios Grybauskaitės ir Barako Obamos politinėse kalbose ir kaip jos padeda įgyti auditorijos palankumą, iškelti svarbias problemas ir kartu įtikinti visuomenę savo idėjomis emociškai manipuliuojant. Analizuojant kalbas buvo atliktos lyginamoji, turinio, diskurso, taip pat apibendrinimo ir vertinimo analizės. Gauti rezultatai patvirtina, kad prezidentai, siekdami savo tikslų per politinę retoriką, bando manipuliuoti auditorijos įsitikinimais ir taip paveikti visuomenės veiksmus. Kitas žingsnis turėtų būti atliekamas siekiant nustatyti tas stilistines priemones naudojamas kalbose, kurios turi įtakos kalbos ritmiškumui.