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This thesis examines the political language and the ideological construction of the national past at the annual commemoration of the April 25 Revolution in the Portuguese parliament. The language of politics during these State commemorations is complex. The speakers of the ceremony are not expected to engage in the everyday politics but to celebrate and remember together the overthrow of the previous regime that occurred on April 25 1974. Nonetheless, behind apparent acts of unity and communion there is political controversy about the nature of the event and its celebration. Mostly this controversy cannot be expressed openly. In order to register the ideological and controversial aspects of these commemorations, the thesis looks at both the overt and the hidden language of the commemorative speeches from left and right political parties. Specifically, the official parliamentary transcripts of the commemorative speeches from left and right political party are analysed at different levels using different methodologies: broad quantitative content analyses of large numbers of speeches and fine critical discursive analysis of specific parts of particular speeches. A broad quantitative content analysis of wole speeches reveals the patterns of themes and terms mentioned in the speakers accounts of the past. By looking at the presence and absence of explicit themes and terms, the analysis suggests that accounts of the past in the parliamentary commemoration of the April Revolution differ along political and ideological lines. This is also apparent in the customary ways of greeting the audience right at the start of the speeches. This analysis combines a quantitative content analysis of the formal greetings over time with an analysis of the rhetorical meanings of particular terms. The analysis of greetings also shows the sexism of the customary and also the development of ritual forms. In order to examine the complexity of this sort of speech, it is necessary to move to in-depth qualitative analysis of parts of specific speeches. The analysis of the beginnings of two speeches given at the 2004 commemoration, namely, from the speaker of the far-right Democratic and Social Centre/Popular Party (CDS-PP) and from the far-left Portuguese Communist Party (PCP), shows that both speakers presented controversial versions of the past but did not do so in direct ways. The speaker from the CDS-PP uses a number of rhetorical devices including omissions and distortion in order to conceal his meanings, while appearing to celebrate a Revolution to which his party was ambivalent. On the other hand, the speaker from the PCP also uses manipulative devices but he does not do so in order to hide the ideology of his message but to make it clearer. The thesis argues for the importance of analysing hidden ideological messages as well as for distinguishing between a speaker manipulating the presentation of their ideology and a speaker manipulating the evidence in order to present their ideology clearer.

Centrada numa perspectiva discursiva - a da análise do discurso - esta pesquisa trabalha tendo como foco teórico a constituição/identidade das formações discursivas e relações interdiscursivas de caráter polêmico. Além disso, indagações como as dimensões interdisciplinares da análise do discurso e a concepção de análise do discurso político ficaram também contempladas na trajetória. Para efeito de averiguação da conformação do foco teórico, escolhemos como corpus a diversidade dos discursos escritos que se confrontaram, durante o processo de privatização da Companhia Vale do Rio Doce - CVRD - maior companhia do mundo em atividade de extração mineral. Esse processo não se deu de forma pacífica e consensual, mas sob exaustivos debates de confronto entre governo e sociedade civil. Esse confronto levou a um questionamento: o fato de o processo ter se dado sob exaustivos debates, configurou-lhe uma aparência democrática, no entanto, o discurso \"vencedor\" é aquele identificado com o discurso governamental o qual propõe e efetiva a privatização. Se houve estratégias de condução do processo, como está caracterizado o perfil do discurso \"vencedor\": persuasivo, convincente ou simplesmente hegemônico? Esse questionamento, em linhas gerais, levou aos seguintes objetivos: confrontar os argumentos verificando a força de um em relação ao outro; verificar o mecanismo de refutação e como as identidades e as imagens discursivas são construídas. A questão subjacente é buscar compreender, através de formas de produção de sentidos como os fenômenos políticos se instalam ou se constituem discursivamente numa confluência de espaços e poderes nem sempre passíveis de clareza e visibilidade. / Centred around a discursive perspective - the discourse analysis - this research has as theoretical focus the constitution/identity of the discursive formations and controversial interdiscursiviness relations. Furthermore, inquiries such as the discourse analysis interdisciplinary dimensions and the conception of the political discourse analysis were also observed. In order to verify the theoretical focus , we have chosen as corpus the written discourses diversities that confronted during Companhia Vale do Rio Doce - CVRD privatization process. CVRD is the largest mining company in the world. Its privatization process did not happen in a peaceful and consensual way, but with exhaustive confrontational debates between government and civil society. This confront led to a question: as the process has occurred with exhaustive debates, it happened to have a democratic appearance, nevertheless, the \"victorious\" discourse is the one identified with the governmental discourse, that proposes and effects the privatization. If there were strategies of how to conduct the process, how is the appearance of the persuasive \"victorious\" discourse characterized, convincing or simply hegemonic? On the whole, this question, has led to the following objectives: confront the arguments verifying the strength of one in relation to the other; verify the refutation mechanism and how the identities and discursive images are built. The underlying question is to understand, how the political phenomena are settled or if they are established discursively in a space and power confluence not always liable to clarity and visibility.

Centrada numa perspectiva discursiva - a da análise do discurso - esta pesquisa trabalha tendo como foco teórico a constituição/identidade das formações discursivas e relações interdiscursivas de caráter polêmico. Além disso, indagações como as dimensões interdisciplinares da análise do discurso e a concepção de análise do discurso político ficaram também contempladas na trajetória. Para efeito de averiguação da conformação do foco teórico, escolhemos como corpus a diversidade dos discursos escritos que se confrontaram, durante o processo de privatização da Companhia Vale do Rio Doce - CVRD - maior companhia do mundo em atividade de extração mineral. Esse processo não se deu de forma pacífica e consensual, mas sob exaustivos debates de confronto entre governo e sociedade civil. Esse confronto levou a um questionamento: o fato de o processo ter se dado sob exaustivos debates, configurou-lhe uma aparência democrática, no entanto, o discurso \"vencedor\" é aquele identificado com o discurso governamental o qual propõe e efetiva a privatização. Se houve estratégias de condução do processo, como está caracterizado o perfil do discurso \"vencedor\": persuasivo, convincente ou simplesmente hegemônico? Esse questionamento, em linhas gerais, levou aos seguintes objetivos: confrontar os argumentos verificando a força de um em relação ao outro; verificar o mecanismo de refutação e como as identidades e as imagens discursivas são construídas. A questão subjacente é buscar compreender, através de formas de produção de sentidos como os fenômenos políticos se instalam ou se constituem discursivamente numa confluência de espaços e poderes nem sempre passíveis de clareza e visibilidade. / Centred around a discursive perspective - the discourse analysis - this research has as theoretical focus the constitution/identity of the discursive formations and controversial interdiscursiviness relations. Furthermore, inquiries such as the discourse analysis interdisciplinary dimensions and the conception of the political discourse analysis were also observed. In order to verify the theoretical focus , we have chosen as corpus the written discourses diversities that confronted during Companhia Vale do Rio Doce - CVRD privatization process. CVRD is the largest mining company in the world. Its privatization process did not happen in a peaceful and consensual way, but with exhaustive confrontational debates between government and civil society. This confront led to a question: as the process has occurred with exhaustive debates, it happened to have a democratic appearance, nevertheless, the \"victorious\" discourse is the one identified with the governmental discourse, that proposes and effects the privatization. If there were strategies of how to conduct the process, how is the appearance of the persuasive \"victorious\" discourse characterized, convincing or simply hegemonic? On the whole, this question, has led to the following objectives: confront the arguments verifying the strength of one in relation to the other; verify the refutation mechanism and how the identities and discursive images are built. The underlying question is to understand, how the political phenomena are settled or if they are established discursively in a space and power confluence not always liable to clarity and visibility.

Following the death of Mao Zedong the new Chinese leadership attempted to avoid some of theproblems associated with the concentration of personal political power, and Deng Xiaoping,though still playing a paramount political role, sought to rule through a leadership collective.Starting with Jiang Zemin, it has become a new norm in Chinese politics that the General Secretaryof the Central Committee of the CCP also serves as President of the PRC.This reemergence of (official) leadership concentration around a single person leads to thequestion of how transitions of leadership are presented within Chinese politics, and to what extentthey are indicative of new directions of policy and ideology. An inaugural speech is designed toset the tone for new beginnings when a new officeholder assumes responsibilities. This thesis usesinaugural speeches and speeches given in connection with inaugurations to the two officesmentioned above as research material to address this question. Drawing inspiration from aMaster’s Thesis by Tawfic and Fattah (2015), perspectives from critical discourse analysis areemployed to examine the relationships between language, power and discourse in the speeches.Focus is placed on the use of two discourse strategies: group orientation and group representation.This thesis assesses to what extent Jiang, Hu and Xi differ in their employment of these discoursestrategies, and if differences or similarities can be explained by correlation with changes in policydirection or the sociopolitical background of the speeches.

The thesis focuses on the analysis of the process of creating a political image in the course of an election campaign, offering a case study of Magdalena Ogórek's candidacy during the Polish presidential election of 2015. The analysis is preceded by a theoretical introduction which lays down the groundwork for subsequently reporting the empirical findings. The following central terms and concepts are covered: political marketing (especially in the context of post-1989 Poland), political image (with an emphasis on the process of its creation and the parties involved), political language (again, particularly in the context of contemporary Poland), and the notion of stereotype (both linguistic and non-linguistic, with an emphasis on stereotypes about women). The empirical results are reported in three sections which offer different perspectives on the phenomenon under scrutiny. The first part investigates how Magdalena Ogórek herself, her team and PR consultants created her image as a candidate. The second part presents an analysis of the influence that her political opponents had on her political image. The third and final part concerns itself with Magdalena Ogórek's media image, as created by the Polish media during the campaign. The empirical research is based on material collected from the website...

Submitted by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2014-08-21T11:10:46Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Dissertacao_thalles_murilo.pdf: 3563204 bytes, checksum: 8255452b8a9dacce30663f19e3900f3e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-21T11:10:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Dissertacao_thalles_murilo.pdf: 3563204 bytes, checksum: 8255452b8a9dacce30663f19e3900f3e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-23 / The A Matutina Meiapontense (1830 – 1834) was the first jornal of Goiás and represents the awakening of regional elites for the use of media as a tool for power struggle, public debate of ideas and legitimacy of group interests. Moreover, the printed document was the pioneer produced by the regional elites with density and regularity, fundamental to understand the meanings of the constitutional language political and the behavior of citizens who forwarded the written form for more than four consecutive years. View of this, the work argues that liberal political language of A Matutina Meiapontense has changed over the years of its circulation in accordance with the interests of the elite that led him, which organized and meant multiform Brazilian reality between the end of the First Reign and the early years of the Regency according to their interests. Shortly, the liberal and constitutionalist language of the journal was both expression and result of the struggle for power in the Province of Goiás. / O A Matutina Meiapontense (1830-1834) foi o primeiro periódico de Goiás e representa o despertar das elites regionais para o uso da imprensa como instrumento de luta pelo poder, de debate público das ideias e de legitimação dos interesses de grupo. Ademais, o impresso foi o pioneiro documento produzido pelas elites goianas com densidade e regularidade, elemento fundamental para se compreender os sentidos da linguagem constitucional e o comportamento político dos cidadãos que encaminharam o escrito impresso por mais de quatro anos consecutivos. Diante disso, o trabalho defende que a linguagem política liberal do A Matutina Meiapontense se modificou ao longo dos anos de sua circulação de acordo com os interesses da elite que lhe conduzia, a qual organizou e significou a realidade multiforme brasileira entre o fim do Primeiro Reinado e os primeiros anos da Regência segundo seus interesses. Em poucas palavras, a linguagem liberal e constitucionalista do periódico era ao mesmo tempo expressão e resultado da luta pelo poder na Província de Goiás.

The present study considers the diachronic changes that took place in Soviet political discourse as reflected in six selections of Pravda editorials from the 1920s through the 1950s, as well as slogans and headlines in that newspaper from 1917 through 1933. The principal goal of analyses conducted on various levels is to identify and investigate a number of tendencies demonstrating the gradual transformation of the language of revolution into totalitarian language. A quantitative analysis of the vocabulary of slogans and headlines in Chapter 2 focuses on chronological changes in words and addresses the contexts in which they were used. The same material is used in a review of the polarization of vocabulary in positive and negative contexts. Chapters 3-6 are devoted to a qualitative analysis of editorial texts on three levels: lexical rhetorical means (Chapter 3), semantically charged elements of argumentation (Chapter 4), and the overall composition of the text (Chapter 5). Chapter 6 concludes the study with an illustration of the devices considered in Chapters 3-5 based on two editorials, one each from the revolutionary and totalitarian periods. The analysis identifies a number of stable elements present throughout the period under study, such as the self – other opposition and references to the classics of Marxism-Leninism. At the same time, noted on all levels are changes illustrating the process by which the language of revolution was gradually transformed into totalitarian language. These include the disappearance from rhetoric of emotionality, imagery, and elements of logic, as well as stylistic leveling and an increase in the frequent repetition of the same conclusions and clichés.

Rhetorical skills are a very important part of political discourse. Being able to persuade an audience in a speech is central for politicians. This study aims to investigate how the personal pronouns I, you, we and they are used strategically in Barack Obama’s speeches. Previous research suggests that certain personal pronouns can enable politicians to take on different identities, which in turn gives them an opportunity to distance themselves from problematic issues and also invoke specific ideological ideas on their audience.  The study analyzes personal pronouns by the means of the co-text and the broader social context. It is found that I, you and we are used both to enhance the ‘self’ and portray the opposition in a negative way, while they focused on portraying the opposition negatively. However, the fact that politicians have speechwriters can be problematic when drawing conclusions of the pronominal choice.

Orientador: Monica Graciela Zoppi Fontana / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos de Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-12T18:05:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Noronha_Raquel_M.pdf: 543440 bytes, checksum: 5817c18b889308d97d2545a8744e29e9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: Filiando-nos à Análise do Discurso de perspectiva materialista, estudamos a construção discursiva de uma imagem de enunciação/língua política ideal para o lugar social de presidente. Com este propósito, analisamos os discursos presidenciais do período de 1995 a 2008, que compreende os anos dos governos do ex-presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso e do atual, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Analisamos as configurações discursivas das enunciações destes presidentes, constatando a constituição de duas formações discursivas distintas que funcionam como matriz de sentidos do discurso Fernando Henrique, que chamamos DFH, e do discurso Lula, DL. Observando a construção de duas maneiras distintas de enunciar de um mesmo lugar, configurando diferentes línguas políticas (GUILHAUMOU, 1989). A partir das categorias apontadas por Guilhaumou, podemos dizer que a palavra do representante, no DFH, constitui-se a partir de processos metafóricos, de substituição da palavra dos representados; enquanto que no DL, por processos metonímicos, de continuação da língua do povo. A representação por metáfora política configura as posições de locutor e alocutário do discurso político através de categorias institucionais, assim, o representante funciona como líder, e os representados como cidadãos, eleitores. Já a representação por metonímia política, a legitimidade do representante é conferida através do grupo do qual se destaca para representar, e por isso pode, então, continuar a língua do povo. Analisando o DL, observamos que apesar de se configurar a partir de processos metonímicos, este discurso funciona não somente como continuação da língua do povo, mas no entremeio de duas enunciações/ línguas, uma técnica, administrativa e a do povo. Tendo estas análises, observamos o modo pelo qual a grande mídia, especificamente a revista Veja e o jornal Folha de São Paulo, coloca em circulação os discursos políticos presidenciais. Nosso intuito é observar a configuração de uma expectativa em relação à formação discursiva que pode interpretar adequadamente o lugar social de presidente. Nosso estudo indica que o modo pelo qual o DL enuncia produz um estranhamento por parte desta grande mídia que coloca em questionamento a legitimidade da língua política configurada neste discurso. A partir deste estranhamento podemos dizer que existe uma imagem de uma língua política ideal a partir da qual os sujeitos inscritos no lugar social de presidente poderiam/ teriam que falar. Isto é reforçado pela constante comparação entre o DFH e o DL, sempre em detrimento deste. A partir das análises que desenvolvemos ao longo deste trabalho podemos dizer que a grande mídia projeta a configuração discursiva do DFH como ideal, interpretando negativamente a configuração discursiva do DL como inadequada. Ao colocar em contraposição estes discursos, a grande mídia configura legitimidade ao discurso político que se constitua por processos metafóricos. Assim, concluímos que diferente dos revolucionários franceses que procuraram estabelecer uma equivalência entre a língua do povo e a língua política, o que confere legitimidade, na contemporaneidade, ao discurso político presidencial brasileiro é justamente a distância entre estas duas formas de enunciação / Abstract: Based on the Discourse Analysis from a materialistic perspective, we have studied the discursive construction of an image of an ideal political enunciation/ language to the social place of a President. With this purpose, we have studied the Presidents' discourses from 1995 to 2008, that is, the government of the president of Brazil, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, and the former president Fernando Henrique Cardoso. We have analyzed the discursive configurations of these Presidents in order to see the constitution of two distinct discursive formations. These formations work like sense matrix of what we have called Fernando Henrique's discourse (or DFH) and Lula's discourse (or DL). We have observed two different ways to enunciate from the president's place, what we can say, according to Guilhaumou, that configures different political languages. According to this author, we have analyzed the DFH in a metaphorical process, that is, the representer replace the represented ones. In this configuration, we say that the representer is projected as a leader. Following these arguments, we have analyzed the DL in a metonymical process, where the representer continues the people's language. This is possible once the representer is projected like part of the group from whom he is detached to represent. Observing that we have two different ways to enunciate from the same place, president's social place, we can say that we have different political languages working. After those analyzes, we have analyzed the media's discourse, as well, that is, the way the great media puts in circulation the president's discourses. We did so because the discourses are in the society mediated by the media. To do so, we analyze a week magazine, Veja, and a newspaper, Folha de São Paulo. By analyzing the way the media make the president's discourses in circulation we observe that the DL is projected like unappropriated. This works in order to show that there is an appropriated way to enunciate from the president's social place. By seeing the constant comparison between DFH and DL, we have seen that the appropriated way is by discourse formation of the DFH, that is, by configuring the representer and represented ones by constitutional categories, respectively as leader and citizens, electors. We have concluded that unlike the French revolutionizers who wanted to impute equivalence between political language and people's language, in the Brazilian contemporary political discourse the image of an appropriate enunciation is the dissociation between these two ways of enunciate / Mestrado / Linguistica / Mestre em Linguística