Magistro darbe nagrinėjamas politikų komunikacijos ir įvaizdžio formavimo procesas tinklaraščiuose, analizuojant skirtinguose valdymo lygmenyse: Europos Parlamente, Lietuvos Respublikos Seime bei vietos savivaldos institucijose piliečių interesus atstovaujančių politikų tinklaraščius. Tyrimu buvo siekiama patikrinti dvi pagrindines darbe formuluojamas hipotezes: 1) Lietuvos politikai tinklaraščiuose komunikuoja pasyviai bei formuoja personalizuotą politiko įvaizdį; 2) politiko veiklos aplinka lemia politiko tinklaraščio komunikacijos pobūdį: Lietuvos piliečių interesus Europos Parlamente, Lietuvos Respublikos Seime bei vietos savivaldos institucijose atstovaujančių politikų komunikacinės bei įvaizdžio formavimo strategijos skiriasi. Tyrimas buvo atliekamas keliais etapais. Pirmiausia, buvo aiškinamasi, kaip aktyviai tinklaraščiuose komunikuoja politikai. Šiame etape kiekybiškai ir kokybiškai tirti šešių politikų tinklaraščiai. Tyrimo metu siekta nustatyti politikų tinklaraščiuose vyraujančias komunikacijos ir įvaizdžio formavimo strategijas. Turinio analizės duomenys toliau buvo analizuojami remiantis penkiais pusiau struktūruotais kokybiniais interviu su skirtingo valdymo lygmenyse piliečių interesus atstovaujančiais politikais, kurių komunikacijos ir įvaizdžio formavimo strategijos nėra aiškiai apibrėžtos, ir ekspertais: elektroninės ir politinės komunikacijos specifiką tyrinėjančia mokslininke bei aktyviu tinklaraštininku, politikų tinklaraščiais besidominčiu politikos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / This MA thesis focuses on the process of politicians’ communication and image formation in blogs and analyses different administration levels, i.e. the blogs of the politicians representing citizens’ interests in the European Parliament, the Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania and local municipal institutions. The goal of the analysis is to test the two main hypotheses enunciated in the paper – 1) Lithuanian politicians communicate passively and embody a personalised politician’s image in their blogs; 2) the environment of a politician’s activity preconditions the nature of the politician’s blog – communication and image formation strategies of politicians representing citizens in the European Parliament, the Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania and local municipal institutions differ. The analysis consists of several stages. The first stage is an investigation of how actively politicians communicate in their blogs. This stage contains a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the blogs of six politicians. The goal of this research is to determine the communication and image formation strategies dominating in the politicians’ blogs. The data of the content analysis is further analysed based on the five half-structured qualitative interviews with the politicians representing citizens on various administration levels whose communication and image formation strategies are not clearly defined; the experts, a scientist analysing the specifics of the electronic and political... [to full text]

There has been a growing interest in applying concepts and strategies of brand management in the political sphere. However, it has been argued that the phenomenon of political brand image has been given little attention. Therefore the purpose of this study is to explore the political brand image of the Sweden Democrats from voters’ perspective. The choice of exploring the Sweden Democrats opposed to other parties is that it has tried to rebrand itself from its previous racist ideologies and from being a single-party issue party. The study is based on different theories about brand image. Three dimensions will be used, brand awareness, perceived brand quality and brand associations, in order to cover the phenomenon political brand image. This study is conducted as a qualitative case study with a realistic approach. The analysis and findings show that participants still have perceptions related to the party’s history and that it still to a large extent is perceived as a single-issue party. However, it has also appeared that the Sweden Democrats to some extent are on the right way to stop being associated with racism. Limitations within this study are, time restriction and lack of knowledge whether participants sympathize with the Sweden Democrats or not. The practical implication is that this study could be of use both of the Sweden Democrats and other parties who seek to explore political brand image. The original value of the study is that it acknowledges the three dimensions when exploring political brand image.

In political campaigning substantial resources are spent on voter mobilization, that is, on identifying and influencing as many people as possible to vote. Campaigns use statistical tools for deciding whom to target ("microtargeting"). In this paper we describe a nonpartisan campaign that aims at increasing overall turnout using the example of the 2004 US presidential election. Based on a real data set of 19,634 eligible voters from Ohio, we introduce a modern statistical framework well suited for carrying out the main tasks of voter targeting in a single sweep: predicting an individual's turnout (or support) likelihood for a particular cause, party or candidate as well as data-driven voter segmentation. Our framework, which we refer to as LORET (for LOgistic REgression Trees), contains standard methods such as logistic regression and classification trees as special cases and allows for a synthesis of both techniques. For our case study, we explore various LORET models with different regressors in the logistic model components and different partitioning variables in the tree components; we analyze them in terms of their predictive accuracy and compare the effect of using the full set of available variables against using only a limited amount of information. We find that augmenting a standard set of variables (such as age and voting history) with additional predictor variables (such as the household composition in terms of party affiliation) clearly improves predictive accuracy. We also find that LORET models based on tree induction beat the unpartitioned models. Furthermore, we illustrate how voter segmentation arises from our framework and discuss the resulting profiles from a targeting point of view. (authors' abstract)

This Master of Arts thesis examines how political marketing, and the Doer/Dexter model specifically, helped the NDP in Manitoba and Nova Scotia win elections from 1999 through 2007 in Manitoba and in 2009 in Nova Scotia. The study uses content analysis on the election platforms of the period and elite interviews with key political strategists of the NDP in order to gain insight and draw conclusions on what political marketing elements were critical to the party’s electoral success. This study concludes that the NDP in Manitoba and Nova Scotia used market research and a similar comprehensive political marketing strategy, now known as the Doer/Dexter model, which focused on the simplification of communication, the moderation of policy and the inoculation of any perceived weakness in order to win power. / May 2016

Dans cette thèse, j’ai souhaité explorer la communication politique espagnole réactivée après plus de quarante ans de dictature et porter une attention particulière au nouveau schéma communicationnel que l’Espagne a dû se réinventer, en s’inspirant des pratiques marketing déjà ancrées chez ses homologues européens et américains. Encouragé par l’augmentation du nombre de convocations électorales, la prolifération des discours parlementaires et l’essor des moyens de communication de masse, un nouveau jeu de langage politique est né entre les acteurs de cette communication politique que sont les hommes politiques, les médias et l’opinion publique. Aussi, insérés dans un contexte socio-historique extrêmement riche, les discours politiques prononcés dans l’Espagne démocratique (1982-2008) par le PP et le PSOE en campagne ou hors campagne sont non seulement révélateurs de l’évolution d’une société démocratique en quête de construction et de reconnaissance sur la scène internationale ; ils marquent également la fin des clivages idéologiques. La diversité de mon corpus a cherché à lever le voile sur la nouvelle parole politique, tiraillée entre la transmission des idéologies et la politique spectacle. La première partie de ce travail de recherche jette les bases théoriques de la communication politique et du discours politique généralisables à toutes les démocraties occidentales, en centrant son attention sur le cas espagnol, qui a su adapter sa manière de communiquer et de produire des discours dans la sphère politique aux exigences contemporaines sous l’égide du marketing politique. La seconde partie interroge les spots électoraux émis par les deux partis majoritaires au cours des élections législatives de 1982 à 2008 du point de vue des stratégies discursives en portant une attention particulière à l’image. La troisième partie livre une analyse lexicale des discours d’investiture prononcés depuis 1982 par les chefs de gouvernement espagnols, étude complétée par une analyse du contenu qui met en exergue les caractéristiques de chacun d’entre eux et confronte chaque allocution au débat qui a opposé le candidat aspirant à la Moncloa au porte-parole de l’opposition. / In this thesis, I intend to investigate the Spanish means of political communication that have been reactivated after more than forty years of dictatorship, and to pay particular attention to the new communication strategy that Spain has had to reinvent, by drawing inspiration from marketing practices already well established in her European and American counterparts. Encouraged by the increase in the number of elections, the proliferation of parliamentary speeches and the development of mass media, a new kind of political language has come about between the political communicators who are the politicians, the media, and the public. Furthermore, set in an extremely rich socio-historic context, the political speeches delivered in democratic Spain (1982-2008) by the PP and the PSOE during or outside their campaigns not only deal with a society in transition to democracy and which is internationally recognised on the but they also mark the end of ideological splits. The variety of documents in my corpus aims at unveiling the new political vocabulary, pulled between conveying ideologies and « showbiz politics ». The first part of this research lays the foundations of political communication and political language that can be applied to all western democracies, focusing on the Spanish case which was able to adapt its way of communicating and producing speeches in the political sphere to the contemporary requirements under the aegis of political marketing. The second part questions t both major parties’ party political broadcast during the general elections from 1982 to 2008 from the strategic point of view of the speeches, by paying particular attention to images. Third part is a lexical analysis of nomination speeches since 1982 by successive Spanish heads of government. This study is completed by an analysis of the content of the speeches and compares every political commentary with the debate that set the candidate aspiring to the Moncloa against the opposition’s spokesman.

Nicolas Sarkozy est un personnage politique à part entière. En cinq ans (de 2002 à 2007), il a su se construire une notoriété et une popularité qui lui ont permis de devenir président de la République dès le premier essai et ce, malgré sept ans d’absence, suite à son malheureux soutien à Edouard Balladur en 1995. Quelle fut sa recette ? Une communication issue du marketing politique, lui même issu du marketing commercial, mais pas seulement. La saturation de l’espace médiatique pour créer l’actualité plutôt que la subir est un des principaux ingrédients de ce succès. Un autre ingrédient est le « story telling » qui a été emprunté au monde du spectacle et qui consiste à présenter le personnage de Nicolas Sarkozy en action certes, mais pas uniquement dans le domaine politique. Il a également séduit son électorat avec l’affichage de sa vie privée. Il est devenu une espèce de vedette suivie et commentée par les médias. Alors, que s’est-il passé après son élection ?L’étalage de sa vie privée, ses réactions excessives et son goût prononcé pour l’argent et le luxe ont dévoilé la personnalité d’un homme, différente du personnage qu’il avait construit. En effet, de 2007 à 2012, ses cotes de confiance et de popularité ont baissé constamment dans les sondages. De fait, cette baisse a commencé avant même qu’il ait mis en place une politique impopulaire. Ainsi, nous nous trouvons devant les limites du marketing politique et de la communication. Alors que ces éléments ont permis à Nicolas Sarkozy d’atteindre son objectif du premier coup, ils lui ont été insuffisants pour gouverner la France. Pourquoi ? Parce qu’ils sont uniquement des outils de la forme. Peut-être a-t-il manqué de substance sur le fond. En effet, qu’a t-il fait concrètement pour le pays ? Quel fut l’impact de sa façon de faire de la politique dans notre démocratie ? Quel est le regard des observateurs étrangers sur ce président ? Et surtout, quelle est notre part de responsabilité en tant que citoyens ? / Nicolas Sarkozy is a figure unlike any other in French politics. In five years (from 2002 to 2007), he rose to a level of prominence, allowing him to be elected President in his first attempt. President Sarkozy was elected even after stepping out of visibility in French politics for seven years, due to his unfavorable support of Eduard Balladur, who lost the Presidential election in 1995. How did Sarkozy accomplish this? He implemented a communication strategy, inspired by political and business marketing. Sarkozy’s main strategy was to saturate mainstream media and create his own news rather than be subject to third party reporting. Sarkozy also used “story telling” and pop culture to portray himself as a “people”, presenting his day-to-day life, outside of politics. That’s how he succeeded in seducing the electorate by exposing his private life and becoming a media celebrity. So what happened after his election?By showing off his private life, losing his temper in public and revealing his keen taste for money and luxury, Sarkozy presented a man very different than the figure he constructed during his five years campaign. From 2007 to 2012, Sarkozy’s approval rating dropped consistently, even before presenting any unpopular reforms. Therefore one can see the limits of political marketing and communications, which were fundamental in Sarkozy’s rise to power but proved to be inadequate in facilitating the use of this newly acquired power. Why? In the end Sarkozy’s marketing and communications strategy was merely a superficial instrument, lacking any real substance. After all, what did Sarkozy accomplish for France? What was the impact of Sarkozy’s politics for France’s democracy? What is the opinion of the foreign press, concerning the former president? Finally and more importantly still, what is our responsibility as citizens?

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-07-03T13:31:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Davi Jose Franzon.pdf: 4920096 bytes, checksum: 898f6c9e9fa015872c498bb1540dbf52 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-03T13:31:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Davi Jose Franzon.pdf: 4920096 bytes, checksum: 898f6c9e9fa015872c498bb1540dbf52 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-04-16 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The general goal of this work comes from the assumption that political parties are organizations and, like all of them, are in constant change. Therefore, we defend the hypothesis that, in a specific electoral environment, marked by external and internal pressures, it was possible to identify the type of party guided by a business rationality. To prove the rise of this organization, that we define like business model party, we come from an organizational analysis to put in perspective the internal disputes, the form of obtaining resources to sustain the machine campaign, the relation with other parties that are part of the political system and the tools used to expose the image of the candidate. The route traced by the construction of the ideal type here presented allowed to find an economical hegemony on the political party decisions and the importance of personalism in the control of the uncertain zones imposed during the election that chose the mayor of Sao Paulo in 2016. The data to construct the exposed model were obtained by the use of interviews, opinion research analysis and the content presented by the company party to the electorate on television / O objetivo geral deste trabalho parte do pressuposto de que os partidos políticos são organizações e, como todas elas, seguem em constante transformação. Nesse caminho, defendemos a hipótese que, em um ambiente eleitoral específico, marcado por pressões externas e internas, foi possível identificar uma tipologia de partido orientada por uma razão empresarial. Para comprovar a ascensão dessa organização, que definimos como partido de modelo empresarial, partimos de uma análise organizativa para colocar em perspectiva as disputas internas, a forma de obtenção de recursos para sustentar a máquina de campanha, a relação com as demais legendas que compõem o sistema político e as ferramentas utilizadas para exposição da imagem do candidato. O percurso trilhado para construção do tipo ideal aqui apresentado permitiu localizar uma hegemonia econômica sobre as decisões político-partidárias e a importância do personalismo no controle das zonas de incerteza impostas durante a eleição que escolheu o prefeito de São Paulo em 2016. Os dados para a construção do modelo exposto foram obtidos por meio da utilização de entrevistas, análise de pesquisas de opinião e do conteúdo apresentado pelo partido empresa ao eleitor nas telas dos televisores

PT e PSDB polarizam as eleições presidenciais brasileiras há 20 anos, as quais, estando dentro de uma "democracia de público" (tipo ideal descrito por Manin), são também disputas entre imagens públicas de lideranças. Esse novo jogo eleitoral, que ocorre devido a mutações no espaço público, passa por formar a opinião (Champagne, 1998) e é fundamental em democracias nas quais os meios de comunicação servem de mediadores entre o eleitor e a política. Este trabalho tem como objetivo compreender as estratégias do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) e do Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB), dentro do horário gratuito de propaganda eleitoral (HGPE), espaço midiático de responsabilidade exclusiva dos políticos. A pesquisa se volta para as primeiras eleições presidenciais vitoriosas de ambos os partidos (PSDB em 1994 e PT em 2002), início dos ciclos políticos de FHC e Lula, buscando responder como os líderes políticos (fazendo uso do marketing) construíram suas imagens, dentro da propaganda eleitoral, para a disputa à presidência. As estratégias foram compreendidas como: positivas, negativas, defensivas e de contraste; os discursos, observados a partir dos procedimentos da análise do discurso. O trabalho observou também as pesquisas de opinião pública das épocas citadas, por meio do banco de dados do ESEB e do DataNupps. / PT and PSDB have polarized the Brazilian presidential elections for 20 years. These elections, inserted in an Audience Democracy (as described by Manin), are also competitions between the public images of the parties’ leaders. This new electoral game, resultant of the mutations in the public space, builds the opinion (Champagne, 1998) and is central in democracies where media works as a mediator between the elector and the politics. This thesis aims to understand the Partido dos Trabalhadores/PT (Workers Party) and the Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira/PSDB (Brazilian Social Democracy Party) strategies in the free political advertising time, a media space in which the responsibility belongs all to the politicians. The research covers the first victorious presidential elections of both parties (PSDB in 1994 and PT in 2002), in other words: the beginning of FHC and Lula political cycles. We try to answer how the political leaders (using marketing strategies) built, inside the political advertising, their images to dispute for presidency. The strategies were comprehended as: positive, negative, defensive and of contrast; the discourses were observed with the discourse analysis procedures. The study also noted the public opinion researches made in the mentioned epoch, focused on the ESEB and DataNupps database.

全球資訊網(WWW)的出現，其結合有文字、聲音、動畫、影像等多媒體的特性，且具有即時性、互動性、低成本、全天候、無國界、多媒體等特性，使得網際網路成為現有的報章雜誌、廣播、電視之後最具影響力的第四大媒體。這股風潮，民意代表自然也不能置身事外，民意代表的個人網站紛紛成立，但究竟網友要的是什麼樣的民意代表網站，則少有相關研究。 本研究採問卷法蒐集資料，再以多變量方法分析回函資料，期能從網站使用者的角度，給予個案網站----「賴士葆選民服務網」產品策略上的建議，研究結論如下： 一、 產品定位方面： 從網友對11個產品屬性重要性的評估，及網友對個案網站在11個產品屬性的評價，將建議策略分成以下四種： (1)強調策略：立委的形象與專業度佳、網站有線上服務區、網站上有留言版及電子信箱、網站的內容豐富且更新度高。 (2)改善策略、對私人資料的保密性、網站的下載速度及穩定性。 (3)保持策略：網站的親和力高、網站提供會員優質服務、有屬於自己的社群。 (4)放棄策略：有多媒體的應用使網站更生動、網站的娛樂性好。 二、 產品改進策略方面： 區分目標市場（產品強度較高的一群）及非目標市場的網友對產品屬性的要求是否有所不同。結果兩者在網站有留言版及電子信箱、網站的娛樂性好這兩個產品屬性上重視程度有明顯差異，建議要掌握目標市場的心，可從此兩項產品屬性，特別是留言版及電子信箱下手。 / Since the emergence of the WWW, it brings multimedia characteristics, combining text, voice, animation and video. Real time, interaction, low-cost, no time limit, and no border restriction make it become the fourth media subsequently to newspaper, broadcast, and television. This trend makes legislators setup their personal websites; however, there are scant studies about what kind of website users really need. This study adopts questionary method to gather data, and analyzes the data with Multivariable Method, aiming to give the case website----www.sbiai.org.tw----suggestions in product strategy from the users' points. The conclusion is as follows: In product positioning strategy: From users' evaluation about 11 product attributes, and users' evaluation case website performance in 11 product attributes, this research give four strategy as follows: 1. Emphasis strategy: the excellent image and professionalism; online service; message board and email box; content affluence. 2. Improvement strategy: the security about personal data; the download speed & stability. 3. Maintenance strategy: friendliness; good member service; having groups. 4. Abandon strategy: multimedia application; amusement. In product Improvement Strategy: To distinguish target market form the non-target market, and make need comparison between them. The result shows they have apparent difference in message board and email box, and amusement. From these two product attributes, especially message board and email box, you can capture the target market.

<p>Posters have been used in political communication for more than a century, and are still an important element in the election campaigns. However, few studies have been devoted to the way in which text and image work together in order to obtain the rhetorical goal of making voters vote for a specific party.</p><p>In this study, election posters in the 2002 general election in Sweden from all parties represented in the Swedish parliament are analysed. The context of this specific sample of political communication is described through a sociological approach inspired by Pierre Bourdieu, and through theories of political marketing. The model for analysis of the posters combine semiotics and rhetoric in order to present a model capable of analysing both text and image, and the way in which they are used in order to influence and persuade voters.</p><p>The conclusions are that Swedish parties favour textual messages and not visual elements, and that when visual elements are used, these are mostly portraits of candidates. So apparently, the predominance of visual elements in advertising does not show in election posters. Neither can one claim that personalisation is a predominant element, as the total percentage of posters depicting candidates is quite low. The tendency towards negative campaigning seen in earlier elections is not present in the 2002 posters, and the rhetoric is mostly epideictic and thus aimed at keeping already convinced voters rather than attracting new ones. This might indicate that the posters have lost their role as means of attracting new voters and have become more of an “internal” affair, telling the party’s voters, in a way which presupposes shared points of view, that the party is there to be voted for as always. The posters thus fulfil a symbolic function of binding together adherents rather than attracting newcomers. </p>