Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-11-09T11:20:38Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Aparecida Cunha Malagrino Veiga.pdf: 1149984 bytes, checksum: 5c7eff16a225ceba4a87b33603b97ab7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-11-09T11:20:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Aparecida Cunha Malagrino Veiga.pdf: 1149984 bytes, checksum: 5c7eff16a225ceba4a87b33603b97ab7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-10-17 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The main objective of this study is to present the trajectory of Political Psychology in Brazil seen from its precursors and other participants. These characters were divided into three generations of researchers considering the degree of academic relationship. The main sources of data for this study were documentary research, interviews and genogram built from data from the Lattes Platform. As an investigative procedure we work from the oral history of the subject with which we could combine the written sources of the documentary set (minutes, notebooks, journals, annals) with oral sources (interviews). The results of the research show how the researchers of the three generations examined consider the development of Political Psychology in Brazil over a period of 16 years / O objetivo principal deste estudo foi apresentar a trajetória da Psicologia Política no Brasil vista a partir de seus precursores e demais participantes. Tais personagens foram divididos em três gerações de pesquisadores considerando o grau de relacionamento acadêmico. As principais fontes de dados para tecer esse estudo foram investigação documental, entrevistas e genograma construído a partir de dados da Plataforma Lattes. Como procedimento investigativo trabalhamos a partir da história oral temática com a qual pudemos combinar as fontes escritas do conjunto documental (atas, cadernos, revistas, anais) com fontes orais (entrevistas). Os resultados da pesquisa apresentam como os personagens das três gerações examinadas consideram o desenvolvimento da Psicologia Política no Brasil num período de 16 anos

O discurso da ideologia de gênero pode ser compreendido enquanto um discurso político que mobiliza sujeitos e grupos sociais em torno de uma agenda unitária no campo das políticas sexuais. Trata-se de um discurso de reafirmação do ordenamento heteronormativo e patriarcal, sendo uma estratégia político-discursiva de característica transnacional, que surge como uma reação de grupos vinculados ao conservadorismo cristão contra o avanço das demandas feministas e LGBT no âmbito das políticas governamentais. No contexto brasileiro, sobretudo ao longo da presente década, o discurso da ideologia de gênero se difundiu na arena político-legislativa, ganhando capilaridade em importantes espaços de deliberação política, como a Câmara dos Deputados, a partir da atuação de parlamentares vinculados/as a uma ampla agenda conservadora protagonizada por lideranças religiosas, católicas e evangélicas. Dessa forma, nesta dissertação, buscamos analisar como o discurso da ideologia de gênero se materializou nos pronunciamentos realizados no Plenário da Câmara, abarcando o período de 2003 (primeira aparição do termo) a 2017. Para o processo de análise, nos amparamos nos pressupostos teóricos e metodológicos da Análise Crítica do Discurso, a partir dos linguistas Norman Fairclough e Teun van Dijk, e nas reflexões oriundas da Psicologia Política. Por análise crítico-discursiva, compreendemos a análise dos entrelaçamentos entre discurso e poder; e por análise psicopolítica, os atravessamentos entre as esferas psicossocial e político-ideológica. O processo de análise foi dividido em dois momentos: o primeiro que intitulamos de análise discursiva socialmente orientada, voltado para a análise do contexto sociopolítico que circunda este discurso, e o segundo de análise discursiva linguisticamente orientada, direcionado à análise linguístico-textual da sua enunciação em uma situação política em específico / The discourse of gender ideology can be understood as a political discourse that mobilizes subjects and social groups around a unitary agenda in the field of sexual politics. It is a discourse of reaffirmation of the heteronormative and patriarchal order, a political-discursive strategy of transnational characteristic, which arises as a reaction of groups linked to christian conservatism against the advance of feminist and LGBT demands in the scope of governmental policies. In the Brazilian context, especially during the present decade, the discourse of the gender ideology spread in the political-legislative arena, gaining capillarity in important spaces of political deliberation, such as the Chamber of Deputies, based on the action of parliamentarians linked to a broad conservative agenda led by religious, catholic and evangelical, leaders. Therefore, in this dissertation, we seek to analyze how the discourse of gender ideology materialized in the pronouncements made in the Plenary of the Chamber, covering the period from 2003 (first appearance of the term) to 2017. For the process of analysis, we rely on the theoretical and methodological assumptions of Critical Discourse Analysis, from the linguists Norman Fairclough and Teun van Dijk, and from the reflections presented by the Political Psychology. By critical-discursive analysis, we understand the analysis of the interlacement between discourse and power; and through psychopolitical analysis, the intersections between the psychosocial and political-ideological spheres. The process of analysis was divided into two moments: the first that we denominate socially oriented discourse analysis, focused on the analysis of the sociopolitical context that surrounds this discourse, and the second, linguistically oriented discourse analysis, directed to the text-linguistic analysis of its enunciation in a specific political situation

L’apparition et le développement depuis les années 2010 d’organisations professionnelles et extraprofessionnelles présentées comme collaboratives font évoluer notre perception du travail et les questions et problématiques qui lui sont spécifiques. Cette évolution vient notamment questionner la pertinence des modèles organisationnels actuels, ainsi que les modèles de gestion de son parcours professionnel. En effet, les pratiques collaboratives apparaitraient aujourd’hui comme un modèle stratégique de développement, puisque susceptible de répondre favorablement à la fois aux demandes de nature économique et aux demandes de nature sociale. L’objectif de ce travail est de mettre en évidence les conditions initiales et les facteurs de maintenance susceptibles de soutenir la mise en oeuvre de tels fonctionnements collaboratifs. Pour cela notre objet sera étudié dans une perspective à la fois organisationnelle – identifier les théories et modèles organisationnels permettant de penser et mettre en oeuvre ces fonctionnements ; épistémologique et politique – mettre en évidence les valeurs et croyances sur lesquelles ces modèles se construisent et puisent leur légitimité ; psychologique – examiner la façon dont sont vécues ces injonctions par les personnes concernées pour identifier les facteurs facilitants ou limitants. Au moyen de plusieurs recueils de données (1014 offres d’emploi, 100 images représentant le collaboratif et 10 entretiens approfondis auprès de travailleurs collaboratifs), nous avons pu dégager et éclaircir le paradoxe d’un modèle organisationnel apparaissant dans la seconde moitié du XXe siècle mais ne se développant que des dizaines d’années après en réponse à une certaine configuration socio-économique. Nos résultats confirment aujourd’hui une véritable actualité du collaboratif, notamment dans sa dispersion dans de nombreux domaines professionnels et extraprofessionnels et la diffusion de certains éléments d’un discours lui étant propre dans les sphères professionnelles. Ce développement passe notamment par l’apparition de profils organisationnels et individuels hybrides, ayant intégré tout ou partie des valeurs et principes propres à ces logiques réticulaires. / The development of collaborative organizations since the 2010s questions the relevance of the current organizational models, as well as the models of career management. Collaborative practices appear today as a strategic development model, because they are more likely to both answer favorably to economic and social requests. The objective of this work is to highlight the initial conditions and the factors of maintenance able to support the implementation of such functioning. We employed a three levels analysis: organizational - to identify theories and organizational models allowing to think and to implement these functioning; epistemological and political - to highlight values and beliefs on which these models build themselves and draw their legitimacy; psychological - to examine the way these orders are lived by the concerned people. By means of several datacollections (1014 job offers, 100 images representing the collaborative and 10 extensive interviews with collaborative workers) and qualitative and quantitative analysis, results collaborative topicality, in particular in its late appearance in answer to a specific economic and social environment and the broadcasting of idiosyncratic elements of speech in the professional sphere. This development can be seen in particular in the appearance of hybrid organizational and individual profiles, having integrated all or part of the values and peculiar principles to these reticular logics.

Estudar os processos de participação relacionados à produção de uma política pública pode ser um elemento chave para a compreensão do modelo de gestão que se pretende implementar no Brasil, em especial em áreas de proteção ambiental a partir das exigências legais instituídas pelo Sistema Nacional de Unidades de Conservação da Natureza (SNUC). A consolidação de uma cultura democrática na gestão de políticas ambientais em unidades de conservação de uso sustentável passa pela compreensão das dinâmicas comunitárias e governamentais em processos de tomada de decisão, como o da elaboração de um plano de manejo. O presente trabalho se propõe a compreender como se dão tais processos de construção coletiva de um instrumento de gestão pública e consolidação de uma cultura política participativa a partir da produção do Plano de Manejo (PM) da Área de Proteção Ambiental (APA) Várzea do Rio Tietê, território que abrange 12 municípios da região metropolitana de São Paulo (SP). Para atender este propósito foi utilizada a metodologia da observação participante para a coleta de dados em atividades públicas realizadas pela equipe gestora do PM da APA Várzea do Rio Tietê, bem como a realização de entrevistas semi-estruturadas com atores envolvidos na elaboração do referido documento. A análise dos dados se deu a partir de base teórica centrada nas discussões sobre consciência, participação e negociação políticas, em um enfoque psicopolítico, e nas discussões acerca da gestão participativa de políticas ambientais no Brasil. A pesquisa identificou que apesar da existência de espaços formais de participação e tomada de decisão de atores governamentais e não governamentais no processo de produção do PM da APA Várzea do Rio Tietê conforme exigido pela legislação vigente , as estratégias adotadas por alguns participantes, bem como a noção de participação e gestão colegiada por eles destacadas entre outros elementos , apontam para desafios a serem superados para se assegurar a efetiva democratização das decisões e consolidação de uma cultura política participativa na gestão das políticas ambientais. O presente trabalho destacou também as contribuições da Psicologia Política para a análise e compreensão de processos participativos democráticos. / Study participation processes related to the production of a public policy can be a key to understanding the management model that intends to implement in Brazil, especially in environmental protection areas from the legal requirements imposed by the National System of Units Nature Conservation (SNUC). The consolidation of a democratic culture in the management of environmental policies involves the understanding of community dynamics and governmental decision-making processes, such as the development of a management plan. This study aims to understand how such processes take place for the collective construction of an instrument of public management and consolidating a participatory political culture from the production of the Management Plan (MP) of the Environmental Protection Area (APA) Várzea do Rio Tietê, a territory that covers 12 countries in the metropolitan region of São Paulo (SP). To meet this purpose we used the methodology of participant observation to collect data for public activities undertaken by the team manager of the APA Várzea do Rio Tietê, as well as the realization of semi-structured interviews with actors involved in the preparation of this document. Data analysis was performed based on the basic theoretical discussions focused on political consciousness, participation and negotiation, with a psychopolitical focus, and in discussions of participatory management of environmental policies in Brazil. This work showed that despite the existence of formal spaces for participation in decision-making for governmental and non-governmental actors in the production process of the PM APA Várzea do Rio Tietê - as required by law - the strategies adopted by some participants as well how the notion of participation and collegiate management highlighted by them - among other things - point to challenges to be overcome to ensure the effective democratization of decision making and consolidating a participatory political culture in the management of environmental policies. This study also highlighted the contributions of Political Psychology to policy analysis and understanding of participatory democratic processes.

Estudar os processos de participação relacionados à produção de uma política pública pode ser um elemento chave para a compreensão do modelo de gestão que se pretende implementar no Brasil, em especial em áreas de proteção ambiental a partir das exigências legais instituídas pelo Sistema Nacional de Unidades de Conservação da Natureza (SNUC). A consolidação de uma cultura democrática na gestão de políticas ambientais em unidades de conservação de uso sustentável passa pela compreensão das dinâmicas comunitárias e governamentais em processos de tomada de decisão, como o da elaboração de um plano de manejo. O presente trabalho se propõe a compreender como se dão tais processos de construção coletiva de um instrumento de gestão pública e consolidação de uma cultura política participativa a partir da produção do Plano de Manejo (PM) da Área de Proteção Ambiental (APA) Várzea do Rio Tietê, território que abrange 12 municípios da região metropolitana de São Paulo (SP). Para atender este propósito foi utilizada a metodologia da observação participante para a coleta de dados em atividades públicas realizadas pela equipe gestora do PM da APA Várzea do Rio Tietê, bem como a realização de entrevistas semi-estruturadas com atores envolvidos na elaboração do referido documento. A análise dos dados se deu a partir de base teórica centrada nas discussões sobre consciência, participação e negociação políticas, em um enfoque psicopolítico, e nas discussões acerca da gestão participativa de políticas ambientais no Brasil. A pesquisa identificou que apesar da existência de espaços formais de participação e tomada de decisão de atores governamentais e não governamentais no processo de produção do PM da APA Várzea do Rio Tietê conforme exigido pela legislação vigente , as estratégias adotadas por alguns participantes, bem como a noção de participação e gestão colegiada por eles destacadas entre outros elementos , apontam para desafios a serem superados para se assegurar a efetiva democratização das decisões e consolidação de uma cultura política participativa na gestão das políticas ambientais. O presente trabalho destacou também as contribuições da Psicologia Política para a análise e compreensão de processos participativos democráticos. / Study participation processes related to the production of a public policy can be a key to understanding the management model that intends to implement in Brazil, especially in environmental protection areas from the legal requirements imposed by the National System of Units Nature Conservation (SNUC). The consolidation of a democratic culture in the management of environmental policies involves the understanding of community dynamics and governmental decision-making processes, such as the development of a management plan. This study aims to understand how such processes take place for the collective construction of an instrument of public management and consolidating a participatory political culture from the production of the Management Plan (MP) of the Environmental Protection Area (APA) Várzea do Rio Tietê, a territory that covers 12 countries in the metropolitan region of São Paulo (SP). To meet this purpose we used the methodology of participant observation to collect data for public activities undertaken by the team manager of the APA Várzea do Rio Tietê, as well as the realization of semi-structured interviews with actors involved in the preparation of this document. Data analysis was performed based on the basic theoretical discussions focused on political consciousness, participation and negotiation, with a psychopolitical focus, and in discussions of participatory management of environmental policies in Brazil. This work showed that despite the existence of formal spaces for participation in decision-making for governmental and non-governmental actors in the production process of the PM APA Várzea do Rio Tietê - as required by law - the strategies adopted by some participants as well how the notion of participation and collegiate management highlighted by them - among other things - point to challenges to be overcome to ensure the effective democratization of decision making and consolidating a participatory political culture in the management of environmental policies. This study also highlighted the contributions of Political Psychology to policy analysis and understanding of participatory democratic processes.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-04-29T19:33:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Ernesto Pacheco Richter.pdf: 1445411 bytes, checksum: 33450c2067aaaab6fe5f29eeee0caf06 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-29T19:33:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ernesto Pacheco Richter.pdf: 1445411 bytes, checksum: 33450c2067aaaab6fe5f29eeee0caf06 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This work aims to analyze the influences of psychoanalytic theory in the process of constitution of Political Psychology, as research field. Initially, we focus on French authors, such as, Alexis de Tocqueville, Gabriel Tarde and Gustave Le Bon, whose contributions regarding French revolutions are relevant to the field. On the other hand, we present the Anglophone authors Graham Wallas and Harold Lasswell, as their thoughts bring different perspectives to political events, but no less significant for the later institutionalization of Political Psychology. Afterwards, we analyze Freud’s social texts, as well as the metapsychological ones, in order to elucidate the political elements underlying psychoanalytic theory. Finally, we present three authors we consider essential to the history of the field: Wilhelm Reich, Erich Fromm and Theodor Adorno, whose main interest was the study of authoritarianism. Through a critical and reflexive analysis, we show the contributions of psychoanalysis and how it was appropriated by these authors. This research is justified by filling a gap in the history of Political Psychology, and showing the relevance that psychoanalysis has had for political thought, especially during and shortly after World War II. Furthermore, the contributions of these authors are undoubtedly present, given the growing adherence to the authoritarian discourse observed in the 21st century / Este estudo tem por objetivo analisar as influências da teoria psicanalítica no processo de constituição da Psicologia Política, como campo de pesquisa. Inicialmente, enfocamos os pensadores franceses Alexis de Tocqueville, Gabriel Tarde e Gustave Le Bon, cujas contribuições acerca das revoluções francesas são relevantes ao campo. Em contrapartida, apresentamos os autores anglófonos Graham Wallas e Harold Lasswell, pois suas reflexões aportam distintas perspectivas aos eventos políticos, porém, não menos significativas para a posterior institucionalização da Psicologia Política. Em seguida, os principais textos sociais de Freud, bem como os metapsicológicos, são abordados com o objetivo de analisar os elementos políticos subjacentes na teoria psicanalítica. Finalmente, apresentamos três autores, que no nosso entendimento, são essenciais à história do campo: Wilhelm Reich, Erich Fromm e Theodor Adorno, cujo interesse principal era o estudo do autoritarismo. Por meio de uma análise crítica e reflexiva, buscamos mostrar as contribuições da psicanálise e como ela foi apropriada por esses autores. Esta pesquisa justifica-se por preencher uma lacuna na história da Psicologia Política e mostrar a relevância da psicanálise para o pensamento político, especialmente, durante e logo após a Segunda Guerra Mundial. Além disso, é indubitável a atualidade desses autores, haja vista a crescente adesão ao discurso autoritário que se observa em pleno século XXI

Thesis (M.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Mechanical Engineering; and, (M.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1977. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND ENGINEERING. / Includes bibliographical references. / by Zale Anis. / M.S.

Typescript (photocopy). / Digitized by Kansas Correctional Industries

How do autocrats maintain power? In many cases, autocrats lack the support of a majority of the population. This problem is particularly stark in electoral autocracies, where autocrats must generate millions of favorable votes in order to stay in power. Coercion, or the forcible exclusion of some segments of the population from power, is one tool that many autocrats use to solve this problem. However, creating coercive institutions is also dangerous for autocrats, as the same forces that can be used to coerce citizens can also be used to depose or demand resources from the autocrat himself. In the first paper, I contend that autocracies can use the psychological effects of fear to coerce citizens at a lower cost and at lower personal risk. This psychological theory of autocratic coercion has two core implications that I test. First, I use a lab-in-the-field experiment to show that the emotion of fear reduces participation in pro-democracy action, and that this may work through its effects on perceptions of risk and risk attitudes. Second, I show using correlational evidence that propensity to feel fear predicts variation in participation in dissent. In the second paper, I examine how poverty conditions the way that citizens respond to the threat of coercion. I argue that poverty may make coercion more effective in reducing citizen dissent both by making citizens more prone to fear, and by increasing their physical vulnerability to violence. I test this prediction at the individual and constituency level using data on public opinion and voting in Zimbabwe, drawing on random variation in recent exposure to violence and poverty. The third paper tests whether emotions can also be used by activists to increase dissent among citizens with anti-regime preferences. I partnered with an opposition party that ran an experimental test of angry against enthusiastic campaign messages using video and images sent out via mobile phone chat groups. Analysis of the transcripts of these groups shows that the anger appeals generated significantly more pro-opposition participation in the groups. There is some evidence that anger was most effective in constituencies that had experienced violence in the past.

This thesis traces the contours of the Black-White color line in modern America by illuminating how Whites' racialized political behavior varies across local geographic contexts. In a critical reinterpretation of the racial threat hypothesis, I argue that local geography conditions the relationship between Whites' racial orientations and their preferences on policies related to race - but not because Whites are passively threatened in proximity to a Black population. Rather, Whites are active, subjective perceivers of their surroundings who have an interest in maintaining their racial privilege. This conceptual shift not only challenges the assumed neutrality of Whites' vision; it also enables me to identify the range of contextual indicators that Whites might construe as threatening, and the range of White attitudes that are activated as a result. My empirical evidence comes from three case studies. The first two use geocoded survey data to analyze White opinion on welfare spending in 2000, and on affirmative action between 2006 and 2010. The third study draws on in-depth interviews conducted in 2016, exploring an issue related to school desegregation in Louisiana. Each study affirms the core findings of the thesis: Whites' policy preferences are polarized according to racial orientations in settings where race is salient; and a shared White perspective is evident even across polarized attitudes. My findings offer hope, showing that a sign of threat to some Whites may activate racially tolerant behavior in others; as well as reason to restrain our optimism, challenging the assumption that affluent Blacks, unlike the 'undeserving' Black poor, will not be perceived as threatening by Whites. Ultimately, only by recognizing the color line's responsiveness to local geography - and its resilience even as White attitudes liberalize and Black class positions improve - can we understand the line's persistence or the possibility of one day dismantling it.