Many scholarly and policy evaluations of governance in Uganda have blamed limited commitment to democracy in the country squarely on the shoulders of state leaders. This dissertation considers a broader range of explanations and raises questions about the limited understanding of democracy expressed in the prevailing literature. It does so by considering historical contexts, international and global structures, and the relationship between local political cultures and the contested concept of democracy. Claims about democracy and good governance, it suggests, are used to justify very narrow procedural prescriptions for the domestic state on the basis of a systematic neglect of Uganda’s specific political history and the structural contexts in which the Ugandan state can act. More specifically, this dissertation engages with one of the key controversies in the literature on the politics of development, that concerning the degree to which accounts of democracy favoured by the most powerful states should guide attempts to create democratic institutions elsewhere. It argues that at least some of the factors that are often used to explain the failure of democracy in Uganda can be better explained in terms of two dynamics that have been downplayed in the relevant literature: competition between different understandings of how democracy should be understood in principle; and the international conditions under which attempts to impose one specific account of democracy - multiparty representation – have marginalized other possibilities. These dynamics have undermined processes that arguably attempt to construct forms of democracy that respond to very specific socio-cultural conditions. Fundamental disputes about how democracy should be understood are already familiar from the history of democracy in Western societies, where struggles to impose some forms of democracy over others have defined much of the character of modern politics. The importance of the international or global dimension of democratic politics has received less attention, even in relation to Western societies, but is especially significant in relation to Africa’s political history and its position in the world. After reviewing the history of struggles over forms of governance in Uganda, this dissertation explores a series of unique open-ended interviews carried out in 2009 with important political actors in Uganda. On this basis, it argues for the ongoing centrality both of the always contested character of democracy and of attempts to impose particular accounts of democracy through internationalised and globalised structures. An appreciation of both dynamics, especially in the historical context that has been downplayed in much of the literature, offers a better scholarly ground on which to evaluate contemporary politics in Uganda than the choice between multiparty systems and dictatorship that remains influential in discussions of the Ugandan case. Such an appreciation is in keeping with important recent attempts to think about the possibilities of democracy in Uganda in postcolonial terms and to resist the forms of neocolonial politics that are examined here as a ‘politics of dispensation.’ / Graduate / 0615 / 0616 / sabina@uvic.ca

Many scholarly and policy evaluations of governance in Uganda have blamed limited commitment to democracy in the country squarely on the shoulders of state leaders. This dissertation considers a broader range of explanations and raises questions about the limited understanding of democracy expressed in the prevailing literature. It does so by considering historical contexts, international and global structures, and the relationship between local political cultures and the contested concept of democracy. Claims about democracy and good governance, it suggests, are used to justify very narrow procedural prescriptions for the domestic state on the basis of a systematic neglect of Uganda’s specific political history and the structural contexts in which the Ugandan state can act. More specifically, this dissertation engages with one of the key controversies in the literature on the politics of development, that concerning the degree to which accounts of democracy favoured by the most powerful states should guide attempts to create democratic institutions elsewhere. It argues that at least some of the factors that are often used to explain the failure of democracy in Uganda can be better explained in terms of two dynamics that have been downplayed in the relevant literature: competition between different understandings of how democracy should be understood in principle; and the international conditions under which attempts to impose one specific account of democracy - multiparty representation – have marginalized other possibilities. These dynamics have undermined processes that arguably attempt to construct forms of democracy that respond to very specific socio-cultural conditions. Fundamental disputes about how democracy should be understood are already familiar from the history of democracy in Western societies, where struggles to impose some forms of democracy over others have defined much of the character of modern politics. The importance of the international or global dimension of democratic politics has received less attention, even in relation to Western societies, but is especially significant in relation to Africa’s political history and its position in the world. After reviewing the history of struggles over forms of governance in Uganda, this dissertation explores a series of unique open-ended interviews carried out in 2009 with important political actors in Uganda. On this basis, it argues for the ongoing centrality both of the always contested character of democracy and of attempts to impose particular accounts of democracy through internationalised and globalised structures. An appreciation of both dynamics, especially in the historical context that has been downplayed in much of the literature, offers a better scholarly ground on which to evaluate contemporary politics in Uganda than the choice between multiparty systems and dictatorship that remains influential in discussions of the Ugandan case. Such an appreciation is in keeping with important recent attempts to think about the possibilities of democracy in Uganda in postcolonial terms and to resist the forms of neocolonial politics that are examined here as a ‘politics of dispensation.’ / Graduate / 0615 / 0616 / sabina@uvic.ca

Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / A dissertação lança seu olhar para o clássico tema da representação política e o relaciona à bastante publicizada participação evangélica na política partidária nacional. Ao analisar o quadro traçado pela literatura, bem como os mais recentes acontecimentos da cena política brasileira, a pesquisa identifica na dinâmica existente entre um grupo específico de políticos evangélicos e seus eleitores uma forma particular de representação: a descritiva. Embora já estudada por diversos autores, sugere-se que na relação acima a representação descritiva tenha se transformado de maneira relevante; essas transformações e suas possíveis consequências são os outros pontos também explorados. Seria a capacidade de o eleitor identificar-se com o representante, baseado em sua fé, transformador em alguma medida da sua relação com o mesmo, da sua visão do Congresso enquanto instituição ou de sua percepção do governo representativo? Acaso os representantes que mobilizam a fé evangélica de forma prioritária compreendem, por conta desse pertencimento religioso, seu papel de representante de forma diferente? A pesquisa investiga, portanto, uma possibilidade específica de enquadramento desse conceito de representação descritiva quando o grupo representado é religioso, e, mais especificamente, evangélico. / This thesis looks at the classic subject of the political representation and relates it to the overly publicized evangelical participation in the domestic politics. Analyzing what was pictured by authors within the field, as well as the most recent facts in Brazilian political scene, this research identifies in the existing dynamic between a specific group of evangelical politics and theirs constituents a very particular form of representation: the descriptive one. Although already studied by other authors, it is argued that in the dynamic above, the descriptive representation have been consistently transformed; these transformations and their possible consequences are also explored. Does a constituents ability to identify, based on religious beliefs, with her representative at Brazilian National Congress affect somehow her perception of that representative, of the Brazilian Congress itself as an institution, and of the representative government? Do the representatives that mobilize support on the grounds of a shared faith understand differently, because of that, their role as representatives? This thesis investigates, therefore, a specific framing of that classic topic of the descriptive representation, when the groups being represented are religious, and, more specifically, evangelical.

Drawing on earlier research and theories regarding female political representation and its effects on gender equality, the attempt in this study is to investigate whether political gender quotas, legislated in the constitution, has a positive association and effect on gender equality in a society. A substantial number of studies supports the notion that quotas increase female representation in the political context. Yet, few studies examine gender quotas effect on women’s everyday life. The study investigates the variation in gender equality amongst new democracies where countries with gender quotas are compared to countries without. The overall findings appoint that political gender quotas demonstrate more far-reaching effects than to increase the number of women elected. Having a high female representation does affect women’s everyday life and a quota will increase gender equality in a society. This should be regarded as a solid argument in favour of an implementation of a gender quota. Additionally, the results from this study indicate that Anne Phillips theory the Politics of Presence, which points out the importance of having high female representation, does exert an effect.

Nos últimos anos, o tema da representação política no contexto brasileiro adquiriu maior relevância na pauta nacional a partir das manifestações de rua que eclodiram por todo o Brasil em junho de 2013. A presente dissertação tem os objetivos de analisar o dever dos partidos de assegurar a autenticidade do sistema representativo sob a perspectiva intrapartidária e de verificar o significado da expressão “igualdade de oportunidades” no direito eleitoral e partidário brasileiro e sua aplicação. A metodologia adotada consiste em pesquisa qualitativa, por meio do método lógicodedutivo de abordagem. A coleta dos documentos e bibliografias foi realizada por meio de pesquisa em livros, periódicos, jurisprudências e artigos armazenados em arquivos públicos, bibliotecas e sites eletrônicos na Internet. O estudo mostra-se relevante em face da perda de confiança nos partidos políticos para a melhoria da democracia representativa brasileira, bem como a intervenção do Supremo Tribunal Federal na legislação eleitoral em nome de um chamado equilíbrio da igualdade política. Nesse contexto, resta à ciência investigar as causas da falha dos partidos políticos no cumprimento do dever de assegurar a autenticidade do sistema representativo e verificar o que se entende pela expressão “igualdade política”. O trabalho foi dividido em quatro capítulos. O primeiro capítulo tem a função de delimitar o horizonte de compreensão a respeito de conceitos e questões fundamentais ao tema. O segundo capítulo tem o escopo de analisar o dever dos partidos de assegurar o sistema representativo sob a perspectiva do princípio da democracia intrapartidária. O terceiro capítulo se ocupa em verificar o significado da expressão “igualdade de oportunidades” no direito eleitoral e partidário brasileiro e sua aplicação. O quarto capítulo trata da análise do conteúdo da última reforma eleitoral realizada em 2015, bem como a PEC do Senado Federal nº 36/2016. / In recent years, the theme of political representation in the Brazilian context has become more relevant in the national agenda, based on the street demonstrations that broke out across Brazil in June 2013. The present dissertation aims to analyze the parties' duty to ensure Authenticity of the representative system from an intraparty perspective and to verify the meaning of the term "equal opportunities" in Brazilian electoral and party law and its application. The Methodology consists of qualitative research, through the logical-deductive method of approach. The collection of documents and bibliographies was conducted through research in books, journals, case law and articles stored in public archives, libraries and electronic websites. The study is relevant in the face of the loss of confidence in political parties to improve representative Brazilian democracy, as well as the intervention of the Federal Supreme Court in electoral legislation in the name of a socalled balance of political equality. In this context, it remains for science to investigate the causes of the failure of political parties to fulfill the duty of ensuring the authenticity of the representative system and to verify what is meant by the term "political equality". The work was divided into four chapters. The first chapter has the function of delimiting the horizon of understanding about concepts and questions fundamental to the theme. The second chapter has the scope of analyzing the duty of the parties to secure the representative system from the perspective of intraparty democracy principle. The third chapter is concerned with verifying the meaning of the term "equal opportunities" in Brazilian electoral and party law and its application. The fourth chapter deals with the analysis of the content of the last electoral reform carried out in 2015, as well as PEC from the Federal Senate nº 36/2016.

O presente trabalho pretende estudar o instituto do voto direto no direito político constitucional brasileiro. A dimensão dos direitos políticos no Brasil nem sempre esteve relacionada à crescente participação política no processo eleitoral. Essa importância decorre do próprio processo histórico, da extensão desses direitos e do modo como ocorreu essa movimentação. O poder conferido à autoridade, para agir em nome de alguém em uma democracia representativa, se dá através de eleições, isto é, o mecanismo eleitoral é compreendido como meio de ratificar uma ação. Nesse diapasão, tal meio de renovação ocorre em períodos determinados, tendo aprovação limitada a esse ínterim. Assim, por intermédio de eleições o escolhido através do voto popular poderá agir em nome dos eleitores e sua representação será legitimada. Daí a imperiosidade de compreender a extensão da história do voto no Brasil, seu contexto histórico e social, pois através dela buscaremos entender o aperfeiçoamento da representação política e a amplificação da acepção da democracia. / The present work intends to study the institute of direct voting in Brazilian constitutional political law. The dimension of non-Brazil's political rights is not always related to growing political participation in the electoral process. This important is a process of distributing historical documents, an extension of rights and the way in which this movement occurred. The power conferred on the authority to act on behalf of someone in a representative democracy is through elections, that is, the electoral mechanism is understood as a means of ratifying an action. In this tuning fork, such a means of renewal in case of non-compliance. Thus, through elections the one chosen through popular vote, acting on behalf of the voters and their representation will be legitimized. Hence the imperiousness of an extension of the history of voting in Brazil, its historical and social context, through which we will seek to understand the improvement of political representation and the amplification of the acceptance of democracy.

A presente tese examina a disputa no interior da teoria democrática contemporânea entre as concepções agregativas de inspiração economicista e os modelos deliberativos. Argumenta-se que as concepções economicistas são incapazes de apreender adequadamente a dimensão coletiva da comunidade política, cuja natureza, na modernidade, é constitutivamente representativa. Nesse sentido, após a exposição crítica dos modelos agregativos, duas tarefas são levadas a cabo: (i) o escrutínio dos sentidos da representação e (ii) o exame das teorias deliberativas. O ponto de encontro dessas duas dimensões pretende revelar em que medida somente a partir duma concepção deliberativa é possível captarmos o processo de constituição da comunidade política a ser permanentemente recriada e representada através dos processos políticos. Nesse itinerário, distinguimos dois pares conceituais em torno dos quais se organizam os eixos centrais da pesquisa. Em primeiro lugar, para opor teorias economicistas e deliberativas, investigamos as definições de barganha e argumentação pública como princípios que organizam instituições, processos de formação de interesses, vontades e preferências cujo objetivo, no limite, é a promoção de decisões coletiva encerradas, em geral, pelo voto como mecanismo de fechamento dos procedimentos decisórios. Em segundo, examinamos o estatuto da representação a partir do par figuração simbólica e mandato. Por fim, demonstra-se como somente uma arquitetônica deliberativa é capaz de engendrar um processo de figuração da comunidade política que perpassa os mecanismos do governo representativo e as estruturas de participação política na esfera pública. / This dissertation aims to examine the controversy in the contemporary democratic theory between the aggregative conceptions of economic theory of democracy and the deliberative models. It argues that the economic conceptions are incapable of adequately apprehend the collective dimension of political community, whose nature, in modernity, is constitutively representative. In this sense, after the critical exposition of the aggregative models, two tasks are carried out: (i) the scrutiny of the senses of representation and (ii) the examination of deliberative theories. The concurrence t of these dimensions intend to reveal to what extent we depend only on a deliberative conception to be able to capture the constitutional process of a political community as being constantly recreated and represented through political processes. In this itinerary, we distinguish two conceptual pairs that will serve as a center around which the research revolves.. First, in order to oppose economicists and deliberative theories, we investigate the definitions of bargaining and public deliberation understood as principles organizing institutions, and process of formation of interests, will and preferences whose objective is, at minimum, the promotion of collective decisions constrained, in general, by voting as a mechanism of closing the decision-making procedures. Second, we examine the statute of representation from the perspective of the pair symbolic figuration and mandate. Finally, we demonstrate how only a deliberative frameworks able to generate a process of figuration of a political community that supasses the mechanisms of government political participation in the public sphere.

Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / A dissertação lança seu olhar para o clássico tema da representação política e o relaciona à bastante publicizada participação evangélica na política partidária nacional. Ao analisar o quadro traçado pela literatura, bem como os mais recentes acontecimentos da cena política brasileira, a pesquisa identifica na dinâmica existente entre um grupo específico de políticos evangélicos e seus eleitores uma forma particular de representação: a descritiva. Embora já estudada por diversos autores, sugere-se que na relação acima a representação descritiva tenha se transformado de maneira relevante; essas transformações e suas possíveis consequências são os outros pontos também explorados. Seria a capacidade de o eleitor identificar-se com o representante, baseado em sua fé, transformador em alguma medida da sua relação com o mesmo, da sua visão do Congresso enquanto instituição ou de sua percepção do governo representativo? Acaso os representantes que mobilizam a fé evangélica de forma prioritária compreendem, por conta desse pertencimento religioso, seu papel de representante de forma diferente? A pesquisa investiga, portanto, uma possibilidade específica de enquadramento desse conceito de representação descritiva quando o grupo representado é religioso, e, mais especificamente, evangélico. / This thesis looks at the classic subject of the political representation and relates it to the overly publicized evangelical participation in the domestic politics. Analyzing what was pictured by authors within the field, as well as the most recent facts in Brazilian political scene, this research identifies in the existing dynamic between a specific group of evangelical politics and theirs constituents a very particular form of representation: the descriptive one. Although already studied by other authors, it is argued that in the dynamic above, the descriptive representation have been consistently transformed; these transformations and their possible consequences are also explored. Does a constituents ability to identify, based on religious beliefs, with her representative at Brazilian National Congress affect somehow her perception of that representative, of the Brazilian Congress itself as an institution, and of the representative government? Do the representatives that mobilize support on the grounds of a shared faith understand differently, because of that, their role as representatives? This thesis investigates, therefore, a specific framing of that classic topic of the descriptive representation, when the groups being represented are religious, and, more specifically, evangelical.

Submitted by Bruna Rodrigues (bruna92rodrigues@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-10-04T11:17:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissMSC.pdf: 2985671 bytes, checksum: 39a6455c3cceae5cd8daf9a098a7f615 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-14T14:22:53Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissMSC.pdf: 2985671 bytes, checksum: 39a6455c3cceae5cd8daf9a098a7f615 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-14T14:23:10Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissMSC.pdf: 2985671 bytes, checksum: 39a6455c3cceae5cd8daf9a098a7f615 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-14T14:23:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissMSC.pdf: 2985671 bytes, checksum: 39a6455c3cceae5cd8daf9a098a7f615 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-06-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / The majority of the population and the number of the voters are woman, which since the nineties have been gradually inserted in the politician universe. Therefore, known and understand the female political participation and representation is fundamental. In order to have this understanding, this research investigated the performance of the women that can be elected to the office of Congresswoman by the political parties PT, PSDB, PMDB and DEM/PFL between the 50th and the 54th legislature, among 1994 and 2010. Our goal were to identify if the political parties could affect the eligible potential and propositional of the Brazilian legislature women. With this methodology, we aimed to answer two hypothesis. The first verified if man and woman have similarities between their socio-economic profiles and regarding their politician characteristics, suchlike time of stay in political legends and history, looking for family ties, social movements or participation in the foundation of the political party. The second hypothesis investigated if the propositional behavior of man and woman have similarities. The data which allowed the conclusions were collected based on information available in the site of the House of Representatives. The propositions and law projects were analyzed based on an adaptation of the methodology model and categorical of FEITOSA and MIGUEL (2009) being Soft, Middle and Hard the categories. The founded results were compared in relation of gender and the political parties. Some results pointed that the politician profile of woman on PT present less dependency of family capital to be elected that woman of the others political parties. The most relevant factor regarding the founded behavior is the fact that woman started to insert relatives in the politician, reverse path to the common. Respecting to the propositions and law projects we perceived that woman with just longer trajectories can the fact propose more projects with Hard themes, which will promote big scale changes as the case of reforms. / As mulheres são maioria na população e no número de eleitoras e desde o fim dos anos 90 elas reconhecidamente estão sendo paulatinamente inseridas no universo da política. Portanto conhecer e entender a participação e a representação feminina na política tornou-se fundamental. Buscando tal entendimento este trabalho investigou o desempenho das mulheres que conseguem se eleger para o cargo de deputada federal pelos seguintes partidos: PT, PSDB, PMDB e DEM/PFL entre a 50ª e à 54ª legislatura, entre 1994 e 2010. Teve como objetivo identificar se os partidos poderiam afetar o potencial elegível e propositivo das mulheres no legislativo brasileiro. Buscou-se dessa forma responder a duas hipóteses. A primeira verificou se homens e mulheres apresentam semelhanças entre os seus perfis sócio – econômicos e quanto a características políticas como permanência em legendas e trajetória política, buscando vínculos familiares, movimentos sociais ou participação na fundação do partido. A segunda hipótese investigou se o comportamento propositivo de homens e mulheres possuem semelhanças. Os dados que permitiram tais conclusões foram coletados com base nas informações disponíveis no site da Câmara dos Deputados. As proposições e projetos de lei foram analisados com base em uma adaptação do modelo metodológico e categórico de FEITOSA e MIGUEL (2009) sendo categorias: Soft, Middle e Hard. Os resultados encontrados foram comparados em relação ao gênero e aos partidos. Alguns dos resultados encontrados apontaram que o perfil político de mulheres no PT apresenta menor dependência de capital familiar para se elegerem do que as mulheres dos demais partidos. O fator de maior relevância quanto ao comportamento encontrado consiste no fato de que as mulheres começaram a inserir parente na política caminho inverso ao comum. Em relação a proposições e projetos de lei percebeu-se que as mulheres apenas com trajetórias mais longas conseguem propor de fato mais projetos com temáticas Hard, que promovam alterações de grande escala como é o caso das reformas.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-26T13:33:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 texto completo.PDF: 552019 bytes, checksum: f6db50166a3c6c2a98cd7a31dd0463b8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-07-05 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Recognized and bound by the Brazilian state, since the second half of the twentieth century, as the institutional means of political representation of rural workers, unions have, over the past decades, a number of changes with regard to its relations with the state and the perception of their role in society. These changes influenced the exercise of different forms of political action by workers from these organizations and many consequences entailed the formation of a union action in the political field. In order to understand how they settle and legitimize the parameters for the exercise of such action, this study investigated the trajectory of a Rural Workers Union, founded in 1986, in the municipality of Muriaé in the state of Minas Gerais. From the analysis of the organization's documents and reports collected through the completion of twenty-three interviews with rural workers, political leaders, and social mediators was possible to point out several limitations to the exercise of political action that present themselves as economic, social aspects and properly politicians, from certain political struggle, the political field. The establishment of a formal structure of political representation is configured as a process from which it is possible to understand these limitations and their consequences for the political organization of workers in rural Brazil. / Reconhecidos e consolidados pelo Estado brasileiro, desde a segunda metade do século XX, como a via institucional de representação política dos trabalhadores rurais, os sindicatos passaram, ao longo das últimas décadas, por uma série de mudanças no que diz respeito às suas relações com o Estado e a percepção de seu papel na sociedade. Tais mudanças influenciaram de diferentes formas o exercício da ação política dos trabalhadores a partir dessas organizações e implicaram inúmeras consequências a constituição de uma ação sindical no campo político. Com o objetivo de compreender de que modo se estabelecem e se legitimam os parâmetros para o exercício dessa ação, esse estudo buscou investigar a trajetória de um Sindicato de Trabalhadores Rurais, fundado em 1986, no município de Muriaé, no Estado de Minas Gerais. A partir da análise dos documentos da organização e dos depoimentos coletados por meio da realização de vinte e três entrevistas com trabalhadores rurais, lideranças políticas e mediadores sociais foi possível apontar diversas limitações ao exercício da ação política que se apresentam enquanto aspectos econômicos, sociais e propriamente políticos, determinados a partir da luta política, pelo campo político. A constituição de uma estrutura formal de representação política se configura como um processo a partir do qual é possível compreender essas limitações e suas consequências para a organização política de trabalhadores no meio rural brasileiro.