Thesis (M.A.)--Saint Mary's University, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references.

In his seminal work The Souls of Black Folk, W.E.B DuBois aptly states, "The Preacher is the most unique personality developed by the Negro on American soil." At once a spiritual leader, social-political activist, educator, idealist, and businessman, the antebellum black preacher was the idiosyncratic product of a soil contaminated with racism and sullied with hate. Despite this antagonistic environment, what enabled his ascension to the head of black culture was "a certain adroitness with deep-seated earnestness" and "tact with consummate ability." As shepherd and statesman, the black preacher embodied virtues and talents representative of the potential of his people and set the standards for community investment and civic action. He was the model of character for the race. My dissertation introduces scholars to an overlooked yet monumental institution in African American history, the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church, as well as two of its pioneering preacher-politicians, Bishop Jermain W. Loguen and Bishop James W. Hood. My study of these nineteenth-century AME Zion preacher-politicians exposes overlooked features of black rhetoric, challenges predominant perceptions of the black preaching tradition, and provides an alternative perspective on how to examine the persuasive appeals of black rhetoricians. Through rhetorical analyses of letters, speeches, and sermons--archival materials from the Schomburg Library and Union Theological Seminary in New York--I show that in addition to employing emotional appeals to draw the sympathies of whites and allay the lamentations of blacks, these black ministers also effectively wielded logical arguments to demonstrate their capabilities as reasoners in philosophical debates and intellectuals with original thoughts. However, most importantly, these black preachers' ethical appeals in written texts, public sermons and speeches, and actions as model citizens served multiple practical and salutary ends for the uplift of African Americans. / text

This main aim of this thesis is to conclusively demonstrate that John Spottiswoode was one of the most important churchman in early modern Scotland. He was, it will be shown, the most authoritative and impressive of Scotland's post-Refonriation bishops. Spottiswoode was the principal ecclesiastic in James VI's reconstruction of an episcopal church in Scotland after 1603 when he was appointed Archbisiop of Glasgow. This was followed by his prestigious translation to the metropolitan see of St Andrews in 1615 from where he presided over those controversial liturgical reforms of the succeeding years of the Jacobean era. Moreover, as a prominent member of the Scottish government he was heavily involved in secular politics and administration throughout the absentee kingship of James VI and that of his son, Charles I. This study, however, will confine itself to charting the archbishop's ecclesiastical and political ascendancy and involvement within the Scottish Jacobean church and state. Although Spottiswoode was without question a loyal supporter of the crown, it will be shown that he was no sycophant. Therefore, it is necessary to provide an analysis of the qualities and characteristics that made Spottiswoode such an influential figure and beneficiary of royal largesse between 1603 and 1625. Through focusing on the activities and objectives of Archbishop Spottiswoode throughout the reign of James VI, this thesis also aims to challenge the popular notion that the Church of Scotland functioned efficiently and harmoniously throughout the reign of"rex pacificus". Furthermore, the idea that an absolutist state existed in Scotland after the regal union will be exposed as fanciful.

No description available.

In the Dictionary of New Zealand Biography Len Richardson described Robert Semple as one of the most colourful leaders of the New Zealand labour movement in the first half of the twentieth century. Semple was a national figure in his time and, although historians had outlined some aspects of his public career, there has been no full-length biography written on him. In New Zealand history his characterisation is dominated by two public personas. Firstly, he is remembered as the radical organiser for the New Zealand Federation of Labour (colloquially known as the Red Feds), during 1910-1913. Semple’s second image is as the flamboyant Minister of Public Works in the first New Zealand Labour government from 1935-49. This thesis is not organised in a chronological structure as may be expected of a biography but is centred on a series of themes which have appeared most prominently and which reflect the patterns most prevalent in Semple’s life. The themes were based on activities which were of perceived value to Semple. Thus, the thematic selection was a complex interaction between an author’s role shaping and forming Semple’s life and perceived real patterns visible in the sources. Chapter one explores Semple as an Australian New Zealander whose relationship with his homeland was a complex one, continually affected by issues such as time, place and political expediency. Chapter two considers Semple in the identity which was arguably the most radical in New Zealand historiography – the Socialist. Several facets of Semple’s socialism will be examined including militant socialism, from which his radical persona was formed, state socialism and practical socialism. To improve the lives of working people was Semple’s aim in life, so the third thematic chapter examines Semple’s role as a union organiser – this was a vehicle through which he pursued this aim. It was from this image that Semple’s public career was founded and then sustained. In the fourth chapter Semple, the Labour politician will be examined. Here his ultimate aim was to improve conditions for all New Zealanders and the several arenas in which Semple pursued this end included party activities, municipal politics and ministerial office. In these two chapters changes in Semple’s political perspectives can be seen as labour concerns became subservient to national concerns when he became part of the Labour government. Chapter five examines Semple as an anti-militarist which was the image where the greatest change in political perspective was evidenced. Semple, the anti-conscriptionist of one world war, drew the marble for the first conscription ballot in the next. These themes are not the only ones in Semple’s life but appear most consistently during his lifetime.

Thesis (M.S.)--Kutztown University of Pennsylvania, 1991. / Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 45-06, page: 2705. Abstract precedes thesis as 2 preliminary leaves. Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 47-48).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2008. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (doctoral)--Philipps-Universität Marburg, 2003. / "Kurzbiografien: Frauen in den Landtagen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 1946 bis 1960"--P. 302-340. Includes bibliographical references (p. 282-296).

This master thesis presents an analysis of two personalities Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk and Karel Kramář before the First World War. The main theme of this paper is to description their complicated relationship. Next part of this paper describes their political and social activities, their opinions and life attitudes at this time. This thesis is based on examination of their mutual correspondence. The purpose of this paper is to present comparison, analysis and interpretation of the relationship of T. G. Masaryk and K. Kramář in the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Uppsatsens övergripande syfte var att undersöka insatsen boendestöd ur ett politikerperspektiv samt varför en del kommuner valt att införa avgift för insatsen boendestöd. Kvalitativa datainsamlingsmetoder användes i form av semistrukturerade telefonintervjuer med politiker i olika kommuner i Sverige. Insamlad data analyseras med hjälp av tematisk analys och delades in i fyra olika huvudteman: självständighet, hjälp till självhjälp i hemmet, avgift för en insats samt stöd utan avgift. Den teoretiska ramen var empowermentteori. Resultatet visade att samtliga kommuner är eniga om att boendestödet fyller en viktig funktion i den enskildes liv samt bidrar till ökad självständighet. Vidare visade resultatet att kommunernas resonemang skiljde sig åt gällande avgifter. Några kommuner ansåg att kommunens ekonomi hade en betydelse vid införande av avgifter och några ansåg att kommunens ekonomi inte hade någon betydelse. / The overall aim of the study was to investigate housing support from a politician’s perspective and why some municipalities chose to introduce a fee for the housing support. Qualitative data collection methods were used in the form of semi-structured telephone interviews with politicians in different municipalities in Sweden. The data collected were analyzed with thematic analysis and divided into four main themes: independence, home help assistance, fees for assistance and support free of charge. The theoretical frame was empowerment theory. The results showed that all municipalities agree that housing support is important in the individual's life and contributes to increased independence. The result showed further that that the municipalities' reasoning differs very much concerning the fees. Some municipalities consider that the municipality's economy is of significant importance when introducing the fees while some considers that the economy has no significance.