Thesis (PhD)-- Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study is a biography of Sir David Pieter de Villiers Graaff, Bt, of Cape Town, who was born in 1859 and died in 1931. It covers his whole life span, from his birth as a poor farm boy in the district of Villiersdorp until his death as one of South Africa’s most innovative businessmen after he also distinguished himself in a political career. As the pioneer of cold storage in South Africa he brought the practice of frozen meat and food to the country at the end of the nineteenth century and in the meat trade he built up one of the biggest business undertakings in the Southern Hemisphere. As mayor of Cape Town at the youthful age of 31 he played a decisive rol in the modernisation of the city. As a member of Genl. Louis Botha’s first Cabinet after Union in 1910, a defining event which laid down the borders of the present Republic of South Africa, he played a sometimes underestimated role in the development of the country and its economy after the tribulations and long-term effects of the Anglo-Boer War. The life of this complex businessman/politician, a Cape Afrikaner who as a bachelor at an advanced age received a hereditary British title and thereafter married the daughter of the dominee of his Dutch Reformed congegation, is also a fascinating example of the difficult choices which Cape Afrikaners in colonial times had to make between loyalty to the British Crown and commitment to the native soil of South Africa. His biography furthermore offers an insight into the role of a top business leader who enters politics, a facet which has received little coverage in South African historial research. By describing the mosaic of his life in the time span in which he was a prominent figure, it was endeavoured to cast more light on the social and cultural context of an epoch-making period, thereby seeking to contribute to a nuanced understanding of the South African past. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie is ‘n biografie van sir David Pieter de Villiers Graaff, die baronet van Kaapstad wat in 1859 gebore en in 1931 oorlede is. Dit dek sy hele lewensloop, van sy geboorte-uur as arm plaasseun in die distrik van Villiersdorp totdat hy as een van Suid-Afrika se innoverendste sakemanne gesterf het nadat hy hom ook in ‘n politieke loopbaan onderskei het. As die pionier van koelbewaring in Suid-Afrika het hy teen die einde van die negentiende eeu die verkoeling van vleis en voedsel op groot skaal na die land gebring en in die vleisbedryf een van die grootste sakeondernemings in die Suidelike Halfrond opgebou. As burgemeester van Kaapstad op die jeugdige ouderdom van 31 het hy ‘n deurslaggewende bydrae tot die modernisering van die stad gelewer. As lid van genl. Louis Botha se eerste Kabinet na Uniewording in 1910, ‘n bepalende gebeurtenis waardeur die landsgrense van die huidige Republiek van Suid-Afrika vasgelê is, het hy ‘n soms onderskatte rol in die opgang van die land en die landsekonomie na die beproewinge en langtermyn-gevolge van die Anglo-Boere-oorlog gespeel. Die lewensverhaal van hierdie komplekse sakeleier-politikus, ‘n Kaapse Afrikaner wat as vrygesel op gevorderde leeftyd ‘n erflike Britse titel ontvang het en daarna met die dogter van die leraar van sy NG gemeente getroud is, is boonop ‘n boeiende voorbeeld van die moeilike keuses wat Kaapse Afrikaners in koloniale tye tussen trou aan die Britse Ryk en verankering in die Suid- Afrikaanse bodem moes maak. Sy lewensverhaal bied voorts insig in die rol van ‘n top-sakeman wat tot die aktiewe politiek toetree, ‘n faset wat in die Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedskrywing nog weinig ontgin is. Deur die mosaïek van sy lewe uit te beeld in die tydsgewrig waarin hy ‘n prominente figuur was, is gepoog om ook meer lig op die maatskaplike en kulturele konteks van daardie epogmakende tydperk te werp en sodoende ‘n genuanseerde begrip van die Suid- Afrikaanse verlede te bevorder.

The public career of Maurice Hudson Thatcher was wedded to one of the most interesting epochs in Kentucky history and Kentucky politics. From 1895, with his election as county clerk of Butler County, to his defeat for the United States Senate in 1932, Maurice Thatcher was intimately involved in almost every statewide political campaign. He participated in the rise of the Republican party to a point where it was a definite force in state politics and won almost as many statewide races as it lost. He also participated in the party’s relegation to minority status with the advent of the depression of the 1930s. In the period from 1895 until 1932 he made politics his career and it served him well. Though he was admitted to the Kentucky bar in 1898, his private law practice was confined to only two brief periods in which he practiced his profession in Louisville. The remainder of his time was spent in politics, a profession he called “public service,” and which he found an honorable and rewarding one.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:31:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eliete de Souza.pdf: 835722 bytes, checksum: fa41b5b377b5137e324ce765fe042b88 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This doctoral thesis is part of the production of the Discursive Practices and Construction of Senses Study Group (CNPq) and of the homonymous research center of the Social Psychology Post-Graduate Studies Program of the Pontifical Catholic University of São Paulo (PUC). The research presented herein more specifically fits in the context that aligns governmentality matters discussed by Foucault and discursive practice theories. In such theories, media plays a key role for being a social product while at the same time having the power to disseminate repertoires and versions of events. Based on the epistemological and theoretical framework we are affiliated with, in this dissertation we assume corruption is a social construction not essential to human nature. It is a very complex phenomenon, present in different societies and in different historical moments. Even though it is part of social life, the idea of corruption is rarely problematized. We have frequently found in our research the affirmation that every politician is corrupt, or even that corruption exists only in Brazil, which has encouraged us to try to understand to a certain degree what causes the naturalization of this phenomenon. Accepting corruption and its effects as something natural that is part of life in society and that has no solution, that it is something that happens every day, is what we call naturalization. In order to demonstrate how this naturalization process occurs, our case study is on how the media publishes information about corruption. By analyzing stories on the Folha de S.Paulo daily, we have attempted to demonstrate news on corruption concentrates in the political sphere. So as to understand the discursive strategies used to construct the corrupt political type, we used the case known as the ambulance mafia or leeches scandal as critical event, and our information source to analyze the construction of the corrupt political type was the Scandals Network website of the Veja magazine / Esta tese integra-se à produção do Grupo de Estudos de Práticas Discursivas e Produção de Sentidos (CNPq) e do núcleo de pesquisa homônimo, que tem sua sede no Programa de Estudos Pós-Graduados em Psicologia Social da Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo. A pesquisa aqui apresentada insere-se mais especificamente no eixo que alinha questões de governamentalidade discutidas por Foucault e teorizações sobre práticas discursivas. Nessas, a questão da mídia tem relevância, sendo esta um produto social e, paralelamente, tendo o poder de fazer circular repertórios e versões de eventos. Tendo em vista o referencial epistemológico e teórico ao qual nos afiliamos, nesta pesquisa partimos do pressuposto de que a corrupção é uma construção social, não sendo essencial à natureza do homem. Trata-se de um fenômeno bastante complexo e presente em diferentes sociedades e em diferentes momentos históricos. Apesar da sua presença na vida social, raramente a ideia de corrupção é problematizada. A afirmação de que todo político é corrupto ou, ainda, de que somente no Brasil existe corrupção foi frequentemente encontrada em nossa inserção no campo de pesquisa, nos motivando a buscar entender alguns caminhos que possibilitam a naturalização desse fenômeno. Aceitar a corrupção e seus efeitos como algo natural, que faz parte da vida em sociedade e que não tem solução; que é algo comum e acontece todo dia, é o que chamamos de naturalização. De modo a demonstrar como ocorre esse processo de naturalização, escolhemos como estudo de caso a veiculação de informações sobre corrupção na mídia. Por meio da análise das matérias do jornal Folha de S.Paulo, procuramos mostrar que as notícias sobre corrupção concentram-se na área da política. De modo a entender as estratégias discursivas de construção do tipo político corrupto , utilizamos como evento crítico o caso conhecido como a máfia das ambulâncias , ou escândalo dos sanguessugas , e, como fonte de informação, para analisar a construção do tipo político corrupto, o site Rede de Escândalos da revista Veja

Dichotomy in change – a study of how the relationship in terms of power between politicians and civil servants in local government is affected by the transition to a system without branch committees

Les réformes du marché ont notamment été mises en œuvre comme une solution pour améliorer la qualité des services publics et l'efficacité depuis les années 1990. Face à l'augmentation des besoins de soins et afin de maintenir les coûts de soins à un niveau raisonnable, la Suède a également introduit la marchéisation dans le domaine des soins aux personnes âgées depuis 1992. Pourtant, l'introduction d'un mécanisme de marché dans l'État-providence fait l’objet des débats politiques et publics de plus en plus nombreux. Beaucoup sont sceptiques quant aux avantages supposés d'un marché, en termes par exemple d'amélioration de la qualité et de réduction des coûts, tels que proposées par « New Public Management ». Il y a eu également des critiques croissantes sur la rentabilité dans les services de soins ces dernières années.Après deux décennies de marchéisation, il nous paraît nécessaire de recenser les attitudes des politiciens locaux, à savoir comment ils perçoivent le rôle d'un marché ou d'un quasi-marché dans un État providence où le mécanisme du marché pourrait remettre en cause des principes traditionnels tels que l'universalisme, la solidarité et l’égalité. En dehors des études des attitudes sur le bien-être public déjà existantes, cette recherche se base aussi sur un ensemble de données d'enquête uniques construit depuis 2014 et permettra ainsi une compréhension plus profonde et actuelle sur les perspectives de marchéisation chez les politiciens.Précisément, cette étude analyse trois aspects différents de la marchéisation : la production, la réglementation et le financement. Les résultats montrent que les différences d'attitudes sont évidentes entre les politiciens de gauche et de droite à l’égard des prestataires privés à but lucratif. Les orientations politiques des individus, la majorité politique dans les municipalités et le niveau de privatisation déjà atteint localement sont repérés comme des facteurs importants qui expliquent la volonté des politiciens locaux de privatiser davantage ou non. Les différences de préférences continuent à exister entre les deux blocs, et l'idéologie politique joue un rôle majeur dans l'explication de ces différences, plus que des facteurs individuels tels que l'âge, le sexe ou la position de travail. Les réponses autodéclarées révèlent que l'idéologie politique influence la formation des attitudes.Dans une large mesure, les politiciens de gauche et de droite s'accordent sur les principes de bien-être public tels que l'universalisme et tous les deux reconnaissent les impacts potentiels que le marché pourrait avoir sur la société, dont la question de l'inégalité. Il semble plausible que le pluralisme de l'État-providence soit la direction de l'avenir.Cette étude de cas constitue un exemple solide pour examiner le développement du marché du bien-être public dans les États-providence avancés et contribue également à la discussion du rôle potentiel de l'idéologie politique dans les réformes post-austérité sur le bien-être public. / Market reforms have quite notably been used as a solution to increase the quality of public services and efficiency since the 1990s. Sweden has also introduced marketisation in the field of elderly care since 1992 to cope with increasing care needs while maintaining costs at a reasonable level. Yet, the introduction of a market mechanism in the welfare state is subject to increasing political and public debates. Many are sceptical about the purported benefits of a market, such as increased quality and reduced costs, as proposed by New Public Management. There have also been increasing critiques of the profit-making in care services in recent years.After two decades of marketisation, it is worthwhile to map out local politicians’ attitude patterns, namely, how they perceive the use of a market or quasi-market in a welfare state, where the market mechanism might challenge traditional principles such as universalism, solidarity, and equality. Complementary to studies on attitudes of public welfare, this research uses a unique survey dataset from 2014 to expand current understandings of politicians’ perspectives of marketisation.To be more specific, this study analyses three different aspects of marketisation: production, regulation, and financing. The results show that attitudinal differences between left- and right-wing politicians on private for-profit providers remain distinct. Political orientations of individuals, political majority in municipalities, and the privatisation level already achieved locally are identified as important factors in explaining local politicians’ willingness to privatise further. The preference differences continue to exist between the two blocs, and political ideology plays a major role in explaining these differences, more so than individual factors such as age, gender, or working position. Self-reported answers reveal that political ideology influences attitude formation. To a large extent, left- and right-wing politicians agree on welfare principles such as universalism, and they both recognise potential impacts that the market could have on society, such as inequality. It seems plausible that welfare state pluralism is the direction of the future.This case study serves as a solid example for examining the market development of public welfare in advanced welfare states and also contributes to the discussion of the potential role of political ideology in post-austerity welfare reforms.

Cette présente étude se propose d’actualiser la problématique des relations entre religieux et politique (dans l’espace sénégambien), en s’appuyant sur le cas des relations entre prédicateurs (saltigi) sereer et acteurs politiques. L’objet à partir duquel nous nous proposons d’analyser ces interrelations est le xoy, littéralement « l’appel » en sereer-siin. Les xoy sont des réunions de prédiction convoquées dans les localités sereer-siin à l’approche ou (plus rarement encore) pendant la saison des pluies. Les prédictions tenues (localement) par les saltigi et autres voyants sont en principe censées porter sur des questions tournant essentiellement autour de l’hivernage : pluie, récoltes, tempêtes, invasions de criquets, maladies etc. Cette forte orientation des xoy autour des questions d’hivernage, tout comme leur caractère communautaire ou local, semblent en revanche trancher d’avec le caractère associatif, « extracommunautaire », médiatique et national d’une réunion en particulier, celle organisée depuis 1981 par l’ONG PRO.ME.TRA dans la localité de Fatick et plus exactement dans un Centre de Médecine traditionnelle nommé Malango. Dans ce xoy auquel assistent des représentants locaux ou nationaux de l’Etat, les prédictions sont notoirement axées sur les questions de succession au sommet de l’Etat sénégalais. Ainsi, par une démarche de recherche associant en permanence données empiriques et éléments de littérature, nous analysons le sens et les fondements de ces prédictions axées sur le politique. Nos données nous conduisent à envisager ces prédictions comme l’expression et la conséquence d’un clientélisme discret entre acteurs politiques et saltigi du xoy de Malango. / This study is aiming to update the problem of the relationships between religion and politics in Senegambia. It is not based on the already well documented case of the relations between marabouts and modern politicians, but on the relation between sereer preachers (saltigi) and politicians. This research is based on an analysis of the xoy, meaning “the call” in sereer-siin language. Xoy are prediction reunions convened before or (more rarely) during the rainy season in sereer-siin localities. Predictions provided (locally) by saltigi and other seers are supposed to be about wintering: rain, harvests, tempests, grasshopper invasions, diseases, etc. This strong focus of xoy toward wintering questions, just as their local or community aspect, seems however to sever with the associative, extracommunal, mediatical and national dimensions of a particular meeting held by the NGO PRO.ME.TRA since 1981, that take place in Fatick (west-central Senegal) and more exactly in a traditional medicine center named Malango. This xoy is attended by local and national government representatives and predictions are notoriously focused on succession issues at the top of the Senegalese state. Thus, through empirical data (from 31 interviews and observations of xoy Malango) and elements of literature, we analyze the meaning and the basis of these political predictions. Our data show that these predictions are the expression and the consequence of a discrete clientelism between politicians and saltigi of the Malango’s xoy.

<p>Tobaksrökning är ett allvarligt hot mot en god folkhälsa i det västerländska samhället. Gällande tobakssnusning är forskningen dock inte enig. Världshälsoorganisationen anser att tobaksprevention ska innefatta policybeslutande samtidigt som Sveriges Kommuner och Landsting rekommenderar kommuner att arbeta strategiskt för att uppnå tobaksrökfrihet bland deras anställda. I Sverige har 67 kommuner antagit policyn Tobaksfri arbetstid. I detta examensarbete har intervjuer genomförts med politiker och tobakspreventivt ansvariga tjänstemän i tre kommuner i Västmanlands län som har påbörjat en arbetsprocess med policyn Tobaksfri arbetstid. Syftet var att undersöka deras uppfattningar om kommunens arbetsprocess med policyn. Genom en innehållsanalys strukturerades och tolkades intervjuerna. Resultatet visade att en av kommunerna har antagit ett förvaltningsmål, och inte en kommunövergripande policy om tobaksrökfri arbetstid och två kommuner har påbörjat en arbetsprocess för att i framtiden anta policyn. Samtliga kommuner hade påbörjat en arbetsprocess med policyn då tobaksrökning upplevdes som ett problem. Somliga ansåg däremot att tobakssnusning möjligtvis kunde inkluderas i ett senare skede. Ingen ansåg att SKL:s rekommendationer har påverkat att de påbörjade en arbetsprocess. Det var samstämmighet både mellan kommunerna och med tidigare forskning, om att politiskt stöd, involverande av anställda, tydlig planering och kombination med avvänjningsstöd är centrala faktorer i den fortsatta arbetsprocessen med policyn.</p> / <p>Tobacco smoking and possibly using smokeless tobacco risk decreasing the public health. The World Health Organization considers that tobacco preventive work shall include policy decisions. Sweden's municipalities and county council (SKL) argue that municipalities shall adopt a tobacco policy for their employees. SKL also recommends municipalities to work in order to become totally smoke free workplaces. Around 70 municipalities in Sweden have adopted the policy Tobacco free working hours and some of these have included smokeless tobacco. In this work interviews with politicians and officials responsible for the tobacco preventive work were accomplished in three municipalities in the county of Västmanland. The aim of the work was to examine their views about the municipalities work process with the policy. The interviews were structured and interpreted by a content analysis. The result showed that one of the municipalities has adopted an administrative aim and not a policy about smoke free working hours, while two of the municipalities have started a work process in order to adopt a policy in the future. All municipalities had started a work process because they found tobacco smoking to be a problem. Some considered that smokeless tobacco perhaps should be included in the policy in a later stage. No one considered that SKL's recommendations had been an influence to why they started a work process with the policy. The communities agreed with each other that political support, involving of employees, clear planning and supporting employees to quit smoking are fundamental factors in the continuing work process with the policy. This also corresponds to recent research.</p>

Tobaksrökning är ett allvarligt hot mot en god folkhälsa i det västerländska samhället. Gällande tobakssnusning är forskningen dock inte enig. Världshälsoorganisationen anser att tobaksprevention ska innefatta policybeslutande samtidigt som Sveriges Kommuner och Landsting rekommenderar kommuner att arbeta strategiskt för att uppnå tobaksrökfrihet bland deras anställda. I Sverige har 67 kommuner antagit policyn Tobaksfri arbetstid. I detta examensarbete har intervjuer genomförts med politiker och tobakspreventivt ansvariga tjänstemän i tre kommuner i Västmanlands län som har påbörjat en arbetsprocess med policyn Tobaksfri arbetstid. Syftet var att undersöka deras uppfattningar om kommunens arbetsprocess med policyn. Genom en innehållsanalys strukturerades och tolkades intervjuerna. Resultatet visade att en av kommunerna har antagit ett förvaltningsmål, och inte en kommunövergripande policy om tobaksrökfri arbetstid och två kommuner har påbörjat en arbetsprocess för att i framtiden anta policyn. Samtliga kommuner hade påbörjat en arbetsprocess med policyn då tobaksrökning upplevdes som ett problem. Somliga ansåg däremot att tobakssnusning möjligtvis kunde inkluderas i ett senare skede. Ingen ansåg att SKL:s rekommendationer har påverkat att de påbörjade en arbetsprocess. Det var samstämmighet både mellan kommunerna och med tidigare forskning, om att politiskt stöd, involverande av anställda, tydlig planering och kombination med avvänjningsstöd är centrala faktorer i den fortsatta arbetsprocessen med policyn. / Tobacco smoking and possibly using smokeless tobacco risk decreasing the public health. The World Health Organization considers that tobacco preventive work shall include policy decisions. Sweden's municipalities and county council (SKL) argue that municipalities shall adopt a tobacco policy for their employees. SKL also recommends municipalities to work in order to become totally smoke free workplaces. Around 70 municipalities in Sweden have adopted the policy Tobacco free working hours and some of these have included smokeless tobacco. In this work interviews with politicians and officials responsible for the tobacco preventive work were accomplished in three municipalities in the county of Västmanland. The aim of the work was to examine their views about the municipalities work process with the policy. The interviews were structured and interpreted by a content analysis. The result showed that one of the municipalities has adopted an administrative aim and not a policy about smoke free working hours, while two of the municipalities have started a work process in order to adopt a policy in the future. All municipalities had started a work process because they found tobacco smoking to be a problem. Some considered that smokeless tobacco perhaps should be included in the policy in a later stage. No one considered that SKL's recommendations had been an influence to why they started a work process with the policy. The communities agreed with each other that political support, involving of employees, clear planning and supporting employees to quit smoking are fundamental factors in the continuing work process with the policy. This also corresponds to recent research.

As the 2010 Swedish election was closing in, there was a discussion about how the media represented the different party leaders in a differential and unfair manner. This study aims to identify if there were any differences in how four of these party leaders, Lars Ohly, Maud Olofsson, Fredrik Reinfeldt and Mona Sahlin were treated in four individual questioning sessions on Swedish television. Utilizing conversation analysis the study focuses on identifying differences in the usage of interruptions between the four different sessions. The study also analyzes the aggressiveness of the journalists’ questioning and how they designed their questions in the four different sessions. Results show some significant differences in how the four different party leaders were treated in their individual questioning sessions.