Matthew Clay was born on May 25, 1754 in western Halifax County, Virginia, which became Pittsylvania County in 1767. He was the son of Charles and Martha Green Clay. As an officer in the Continental Army, he served in the 9th Virginia Regiment (1776-1778), the 1st Virginia Regiment (1778-1781) and the 5th Virginia Regiment (1781 to 1783). As a member of the 1st Virginia, he achieved the rank of first lieutenant and became Regimental Quartermaster. After being mustered out of the military, Matthew Clay was briefly employed by the State Solicitor's (Auditor's} Office in Richmond, Virginia. Once he had completed reading law in Richmond, he returned to the place of his birth. He married Mary Williams, the orphan daughter of Joseph Williams. Mary's wealthy guardian, Colonel Robert Williams, assisted Clay in launching a career in politics. As a Delegate to the General Assembly, Matthew Clay always considered himself a servant of the people. After his return from the General Assembly, Clay became involved in agriculture, especially tobacco. In 1797 he returned to the world of politics and won election to the 5th through the 12th Congresses (1797-1813). During that period, he established himself as a political conservative, holding true to the principles that he had been exposed to when he entered Congress in 1797. The Old Republicans, as they later came to be known, opposed Jefferson's and Madison's semi-nationalistic tendencies. They supported a frugal and streamlined government, a small and cost-efficient military and a strict construction of the United States Constitution. Clay was a close friend of James Monroe and supported him for President in 1808. Like his fellow Southside Congressman John Randolph of Roanoke, Matthew Clay adhered to the ideals of Old School Republicanism, but unlike the former, he refused to join Randolph in his schism with Jefferson and Madison. In the main, Matthew Clay modified his conservative beliefs only once during his Congressional career as he openly supported the United States' military preparedness in the wake of continued British depredations in 1811-1812. The Pittsylvanian was defeated for reelection in 1813 partly because he abstained from voting on the declaration of war in 1812 and partly because he had become embroiled in unsuccessful litigation with his political rival John Kerr. Matthew Clay was reelected in 1815, but he died suddenly before he could go to Washington to resume his seat. / Master of Arts

No abstract added / African Languages / M.A. (African Languages)

Frans Hendrik Odendaal is in 1898 op Kimberley gebore. Hy het sy jeugjare op Boshof deurgebring en matrikuleer in 1916. Deur privaatstudie kwalifiseer hy in 1927 as prokureur. Hy is in 1919 met Magdalena Petronella du Plessis getroud. Uit hierdie huwelik is vier dogters gebore. Na h kart wewenaarskap tree hy in 1948 met Magdalena Jacoba Truter in die huwelik. Uit hierdie huwelik is twee dogters gebore, terwyl hy die dogters uit Magdalena Truter se vorige huwelik wettiglik aangeneem het. In 1928 vestig Odendaal horn as prokureur op Nylstroom w~ar hy by sy vennoot, adv J G Strijdom se politieke bedrywighede inskakel. In 1938 word hy lid van die Nasionale Party van Transvaal se Inligtingsburo. Gedurende die Tweede Wereldoorlog was hy vir h kort tydperk Kommandant van die OssewaBrandwag in die Waterberg. In 1948 is hy tot L P R vir Waterberg verkies en in 1952 tot L U K. In 1958 is hy as Administrateur van Transvaal benoem. Hy het geskiedenis in Transvaal gemaak deurdat hy die eerste Administrateur was wat uit die geledere van die Provinsiale Raad in die gesogte pas benoem is. Odendaal het bekendheid verwerf as eerste voorsitter van TRUK en vir sy aandeel in die bevordering en opbou van die kunste in Transvaal. Insgelyks het hy kuns in Suid-Afrika op h ordelike grondslag geplaas. Hy kan as een van die grondleggers van georganiseerde streekrade vir die kunste in Suid-Afrika beskou word. As Administrateur het hy horn verder onderskei as onderwysvernuwer en bevorderaar van snelboumetodes in die provinsiale geboue-program in Transvaal. Voorts het hy baie bygedra tot die groat ontwikkeling op nywerheids- en verkeersgebied in sy provinsie. Tussen 1952 en 1966 was hy ononderbroke voorsitter van die Nasionale Parkeraad. Hy was deels daarvoor verantwoordelik dat di~ organisasie tot h winsgewende en ordelike besigheidsonderneming uitgebou is. In die proses het hy natuurbewaring in die hele Suid-Afrika bevorder. Hy was oak voorsitter van die veelbesproke Kommissie van ondersoek na aangeleenthede in Suidwes-Afrika en kan beskou word as die vader van vernuwing en ontwikkeling in moderne Namibie. Hy is in 1966 na h hartaanval oorlede. / Frans Hendrik Odendaal was born at Kimberley -in 1898. He grew up in Boshof where he matriculated in 1916. Through private studies he quaiified as an attorney in 1927. He married Magdalena Petronella du PlessLs in 1919. Four daughters were born from this marriage. In 1948, after a short period as a widower, he married Magdalena Jacoba Truter. Two daughters were born from this marriage, while he legally adopted Magdalena Truter's two daughters from a previous marriage. In 1928 Odendaal settled at Nylstroom and practised as an attorney. He became involved with the political activities of his partner, adv J G Strijdom, and in 1938 he became a member of the National Party's Bureau of Information. During the Second World War he acted for a short period as Commandant of the Ossewa Brandwag in the Waterberg district. In 1948 he was elected M P C for Waterberg and in 1952 became M E C. In 1958 he was nominated as Administrator of Transvaal. He made history by becoming the first Transvaal Administrator to be selected from the ranks of the Provincial Council. Odendaal distinquished himself as the first Chairman of P A C T and for promoting the performing arts in Transvaal. At the same time he placed the performing arts on a sound footing in South Africa. He can be regarded as one of the founders of regional councils for the performing arts in South Africa. As Administrator he excelled as educational innovator in his province, and he also promoted quick building methods in the provincial building programme. He also contributed towards the development of industries and transport in his province. For the entire period between 1952 and 1966 he was chairman cf the National Parks Board. Due partially to his edeavours, the Board was developed into a profitable business organisation. In the process he played an important role in developing and promoting nature conservation throughout South Africa. He was also chairman of the commission of enquiry into the affairs of South West Africa and can be considered the father of development and renewal in modern Namibia. He- died of a heart attack in 1966. / History

In an effort to better understand the motivations behind perceived biases in the US cable news industry, 72 hours of CNN, FOX, and MSNBC during the week preceding the 2006 congressional election were analyzed. First- and second-level agenda-setting theories are used to examine how long and in what way federal politicians are portrayed. The results indicate distinct differences in political presentations between the three networks.

Resumé Diplomová práce nese název Nové lexikální jevy v politické publicistice a klade si za cíl poukázat na novotvary, které se vyskytují v textech psané publicistiky. Hlavním tématem práce je slovotvorná a sémantická analýza neologismů a uplatňování slovotvorných prostředků, které se podílejí na vzniku nových slov v českém jazyce. Záměrem mé diplomové práce je prezentovat shromážděný lexikální materiál a dokladovat tak dynamiku lexika a kreativitu české slovotvorby. Pomocí představeného materiálu se v práci poukazuje na lexikální slovotvorná paradigmata jako celky, které mohou spoluutvářet mediální obraz konkrétních politiků. Upozorňuje se také na zvýšené užívání některých nových slovotvorných prostředků v oblasti kompozitního novotvoření a na jejich postupné zakotvování v české slovotvorbě. V neposlední řadě práce představuje šíři propriálních motivantů a možnosti jejich spojitelnosti s různými slovotvornými prostředky. Lexikální materiál pro analýzu nových jazykových jevů byl čerpán především ze současné psané publicistiky, neboť její jazyk a styl je velice proměnlivý a dynamický, v porovnání s jinými funkčními styly je mnohem více svázán se společenskými změnami a bezprostředně na ně reaguje. Pro současnou publicistiku je typická rychlá potřeba nových pojmenování, nejčastěji se jako neologismy...

Thesis (Ph.D. (Political Studies))--University of the Witwatersrand, Graduate School for Humanities and Social Sciences, 2016 / This study comparatively interrogates the representative parliamentary politics of women political elites in the subSaharan African states of posttransition Rwanda and South Africa. It analyses the relationship between women political elites and gender equality outcomes through the theoretical framework of the presupposed positive relationship that is said to exist between high levels of women’s descriptive representation and women’s substantive representation. It specifically explores this relationship through the lens of legislative outcomes passed in each state. In South Africa, this legislation takes the form of the 1998 Recognition of Customary Marriages Act and in Rwanda, the 2008 Genderbased Violence Act. This study locates the outcomes of women’s parliamentary politics in these states to the different articulation of elite patriarchal bargains negotiated by women political elites within the opportunities and constraints of parliamentary institutional contexts and the political parties represented in these regimes. I show that the higher the degree to which a ruling political party needs to privilege and emphasise women’s interests in the reproduction of political power and legitimisation of its own authority, the more favourable the terms of the elite patriarchal bargains that women political elites tacitly negotiate within political parties will be for pursuing gender equality legislative outcomes in patriarchal institutional contexts. I illustrate how political institutions located in the state never present conclusive gains or losses for women and gender equality but are contextually ambiguous and contradictory in the ways that they foster representation and locate gendered political accountability. / WS2016

Pendant huit ans [de 2000 à 2008], on nous a dit et répété que tout ce que l’administration Bush a prétendu et fait [de la lutte contre « l’axe du mal » à la campagne anti-terroriste internationale, et de la guerre préemptive ou préventive à la « démocratisation » du Moyen-Orient par tous les moyens…etc.,] trouve sa source dans l’idéologie morale des néoconservateurs qui cherchent à « rendre le monde meilleur », et à « moraliser » la vie politique nationale et internationale, notamment par une rénovation des valeurs [conservatrices] américaines et par un engagement plus actif vis-à-vis des problèmes internationaux.Mais à la lumière des constats que nous avons été amenés à faire lors de notre investigation, il devient clair que : contrairement à ce qui est largement répandu, ce n’est ni l’idéologie morale des néoconservateurs ni le bloc religieux et messianique allié du Président Bush qui guident son action au Moyen-Orient et ailleurs, mais l’économie. En effet, les clés de la politique Bush au Moyen-Orient ne sont idéologiques qu’en apparence. En réalité, elles sont à découvrir dans les intérêts économiques et financiers que cette administration a cherché à défendre, à protéger, et à acquérir. Ces clés sont à trouver dans l’argent des contributions qui financent les campagnes électorales. Elles sont également celles du grand Capital, de l’Amérique des corporations industrielles et financières, des multinationales, des lobbies et autres groupes de pression qui dominent la vie politique aux Etats-Unis et influencent sa politique au Moyen-Orient jusqu’à la colorer de leurs propres couleurs. / For eight years [from 2000 through 2008], we were told repeatedly that what the Bush administration did and claimed [from the fight against the “axis of evil” to the campaign against international terrorism, and from the pre-emptive or preventive war to the “democratization” of the Middle East by any means, etc.], has its roots in the Neoconservative moral ideology seeking to “make the world better”, and “moralize” national and international politics, including a renewal of [conservative] American values and more an active commitment towards international issues. But in the light of the findings that we have been led to from our investigation, it becomes clear that contrary to what is widespread, it is neither moral ideology of the Neoconservatives nor the religious and messianic bloc allied to President Bush that guided his actions in the Middle East and elsewhere, but the economy. Indeed, the keys to the Bush policy in the ! Middle East are ideological only in appearance. In fact, they are to be discovered in the economic and financial interests that the administration has sought to defend, protect and acquire. These keys are to be found in money contributions that finance political campaigns. They are also those of big business, the American industrial and financial corporations, multinationals, lobbies and other pressure groups that dominate political life in the United States and the influence they exert on the Middle East policy.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T18:23:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernanda Beatriz Caricari de Morais.pdf: 1587460 bytes, checksum: 27351b5e048c900b5ebb36fb8c30b833 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-08-13 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This study aims to analyze the representation of women politicians in articles from magazines like Veja, Época and IstoÉ. Linguistics Functional Grammar of Halliday (1994, 2004) and followers (Eggins, 1994, Thompson, 1996) was used to analyze the ideational metafunction, so as to characterize the use of the language as representation. The studies as Grossi e Miguel (2001) and Avelar (2001) were used as a support to analyze the data and to understand the role of women in Brazilian politics. The data were collected from the magazines websites and separated in two corpora: women politician and men politician. They both were submitted to the software WordSmith Tools (Scott, 1998) and to the tools it offers, such as Concord and WordList used to assist the linguistic analyzes. Results show that although Brazil had many social and politics changes, women and men had different representations. Many times, women are represented by their private lives and their female characteristics and not by their professional characteristics and competence. Men are represented by their competition and dishonesty. The present work intends to have contributed to the analysis of the importance of women participation in politics and their role in society / O objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar a representação da mulher política em artigos de revistas de circulação nacional, como Época, Veja e Isto É, no período de 2002 a 2007. Utilizou-se a Lingüística Sistêmico-Funcional de Halliday (1994, 2004) e seguidores (Eggins, 1994, Thompson, 1996) para a análise lingüística da metafunção ideacional para caracterizar o uso da linguagem como representação. O suporte em estudos de Ciências Políticas, como o de Grossi e Miguel (2001) e Avelar (2001) serviram de apoio para a análise dos dados e o melhor entendimento do papel das mulheres na política brasileira. Os dados foram coletados dos sites das revistas e separados em dois corpora: homens políticos e mulheres políticas para serem submetidos ao programa WordSmith Tools (Scott, 1998) e suas ferramentas Concordanciador (Concord) e Lista de Palavras (WordList) para auxiliar na análise lingüística. Os resultados desta análise possibilitam dizer que apensar dos avanços políticos e sociais da sociedade brasileira, os homens e as mulheres políticas são representados de maneiras diferentes. Elas, muitas vezes, são representadas pelas suas vidas privadas e suas características femininas e não por suas características e competência profissionais. Eles são representados pelas suas disputas e desonestidades. O presente trabalho pretende ter contribuído para a reflexão sobre a importância da participação política das mulheres, bem como seu papel na sociedade

Submitted by Eunice Novais (enovais@uepg.br) on 2018-03-08T12:41:09Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) JULIANO EUGENIO DA SILVA.pdf: 1495919 bytes, checksum: 835824daab7aac74078eaadc83d8dfd0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-08T12:41:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) JULIANO EUGENIO DA SILVA.pdf: 1495919 bytes, checksum: 835824daab7aac74078eaadc83d8dfd0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-04 / Esta pesquisa tem por objeto a atuação de políticos pentecostais e neopentecostais na Câmara Municipal de Curitiba nos anos de 1989 a 2016. O objetivo é explanar e compreender as práticas e representações dos pentecostais e neopentecostais acerca da política pública em uma Câmara Municipal. Utiliza como escopo teórico e metodológico aportes ligados à Nova História Cultural, principalmente os conceitos de práticas e representações. Dialoga também com a teoria dos campos sociais de Pierre Bourdieu. A problemática discutida se encontra nas interações, tensões, aproximações e ingerências entre os campos religioso e político dentro de um Estado (pretensamente) laico. Ademais, a representação política de setores religiosos em um ambiente e discussão laicos. As fontes consultadas vão desde a documentação constante nos processos legislativos, matérias jornalísticas, livros biográficos e entrevistas. O primeiro capítulo visa contextualizar a chegada e desenvolvimento do pentecostalismo no Brasil e sua relação com a sociedade como um todo. A segunda parte analisa a atuação de vereadores pentecostais e neopentecostais na Câmara Municipal de Curitiba no referido período. Por fim, a terceira parte analisa a atuação destes atores em um assunto específico: a discussão relacionada à temática dos gêneros, principalmente naquilo que em seu discurso ficou conhecido como a Ideologia de Gênero. / This research has as object the acting of pentecostals and neopentecostals politicians in the City Council of Curitiba in the years of 1989 to 2016. The objective is explain and comprehend the practices and representations of pentecostals and neopentecostals concerning public politics in a City Council. It uses as a theoretic and methodological scope ideas connected with New Cultural History, mostly the concepts of practices and representations. It dialogues also with the social fields theory of Pierre Bourdieu. The discussion dealing with the interactions, tensions, approximations and interferences between the religious and political fields inside an (pretence) laic State. Furthermore, the political representation of religious people in an laic ambient and discussion. Some historical sources are documentation constant in the legislative processes, journalistic materials, biographic books and interviews. The first chapter aims to contextualize the arrival and development of pentecostalism in Brazil and its relationship with the society. The second part analyses the performance of pentecostal and neopentecostal councilmen in the City Hall of Curitiba in the referred period.Finally, the third part analyses the performance of this actors in a specific subject: the discussion related to the gender thematic, mainly in what in his discourse became known as the Gender Ideology.

Black Capitol investigates the persistence of racial inequality in the federal legislative workforce. I frame the existence of racial inequality in Congress not as an outgrowth of certain racist members of Congress, but as a defining characteristic of the institution. I analyze how these disparities are produced by and through an institutional structure formed by race. This leads me to offer the concept of Congress as a raced political institution. I use the term raced political institution to mean institutions, organized for the purposes of government, in which race is embedded in the organizational structure, and is a determining factor of how labor and space is organized on the formal level. In addition, I use the term to informally capture how perceptions of power influence identity construction, interactions, and culture. I build on scholarship from critical race theorists, to argue that Congress is a seminal institution in the American racial state, responsible for structuring race and inequality in American society. From the perspective of Black legislative staff, who currently or previously worked in the Capitol, I assess how the congressional workforce is stratified, how physical space is segregated, and how interactions and identities are racialized. I employ a mixed methods approach, including over 70 semi-structured interviews with current and former legislative employees, archival research, and ethnographic observations of the staff organizations. This analysis contributes to a wide range of scholarly conversations about citizenship, representation, democracy, and bureaucracy. More broadly, this work raises important questions about the distribution of power in the American political system and how inequality in Congress reverberates off of Capitol Hill.