The aim of this diploma thesis is an analysis of historical and political factors that participated in the foundation and development of feminist movements in Korea after 1980. The first chapter deals with the working conditions of women employed in textile factories and subsequently describes the protest actions of these women in the 1970s. Protests and collective actions grew into political activism, which created the first women's movements in the 1980s. The second chapter is devoted to their character and development. The following section deals with another important factor that has influenced the formation of the identity of feminist movements in Korea, women active in politics. Their struggle to change Family law in the 1990s united women's movements and strongly signed on their future direction.

Uppvärmningen av klimatet resulterar i att havsnivån stiger globalt. Detta riskerar att få omfattande sociala, ekonomiska och ekologiska konsekvenser, i synnerhet för områden som angränsar mot kusten. I Sverige har kommunerna planmonopol och förväntas ta ett stort ansvar för klimatanpassning. I Stockholm antas havet stiga cirka 0,5 meter till år 2100 och det kommer troligtvis att fortsätta stiga efter det. Denna studie bygger främst på intervjuer i syftet att utreda huruvida det råder konsensus mellan stadens planerare och politikerna i Stockholms stad gällande hur hantering av en förhöjd havsnivå bör ske. Frågan är relativt ny och i ett spekulativt stadium vilket gör att det är svårt att se tydliga skiljelinjer. Samtliga personer som ingått i denna studie är dock överens om att problematiken kring ett stigande hav är en viktig fråga i behov av mer djupgående utredningar. Även att det i slutänden kommer att bli en samhällsekonomisk analys som blir avgörande för vad, när och hur något ska genomföras. / The warming of the climate will result in rising sea levels globally. This is likely to result in widespread social, economic and environmental consequences, especially for areas adjacent to the coast. In Sweden the municipalities have a monopoly for planning and the municipalities are expected to take a substantial responsibility for the city’s adaptation to the new sea levels. In Stockholm, the expected sea level rise is approximately 0.5 meters until 2100 and the sea is expected to continue to rise after 2100. This study is based on interviews with the purpose to investigate whether there is consensus between the city planners and the politicians in the City of Stockholm in how the management of the rising sea levels should be handled. The question is relatively new and rather in a speculative stage which makes it difficult to see clear dividing lines. However all interviewees in this study agreed that the problem of rising sea levels is an important issue that is in need of more in-depth investigation. Although it will ultimately become an economic analysis that will determine what, when, and how something should be implemented.

The purpose of this study was to increase awareness of the media’s portrayal of American female and male politicians. When Kamala Harris became the first female vice-president in the United States a discussion about how men and women should be portrayed in the media began. This discussion sparked an idea for us as writers to investigate gender roles in American politics. The United States is a large, influential country that receives a lot of media attention. This leads to global interest and it is therefore relevant to investigate the media's portrayal of these politicians. To reach a conclusion on the issue, articles from Vogue and The Washington Post were reviewed. The portrayal of men and women in text and image were analyzed within these articles. The articles were analyzed with gender theories from Gunilla Jarlbro and Yvonne Hirdman. Erving Goffman’s theory about gender portrayal was also applied. With methods in semiotics and Fairclough's critical discourse analysis power structures in text and images were made visible. The analysis identified three main discourses: age, clothing and persona. An ethnicity discourse could also be identified in Harris articles. The main conclusion this study has shown is that women and men were portrayed differently. Studies show that the media tends to focus on women’s appearance rather than their political standpoints. This is still the case. However, this study has shown when mentioning clothing it has a purpose and is being used as a tool to strengthen women’s legitimacy.

Social capital has been studied on the basis of comparative studies on whether ethnic bakground has significance for social capital. The study is conducted on the basis of a qualitative content analysis as a method with the application of theory consumption studay or hypothesis studay.  The study is categorized into three dimensions as social interaction, association, involvement and municipal actors with several indicators. Socialt capital includes two primary theories by, Robert Putnam and Bo Rothsteins. Result shows that ethnicity is important for social capital because there are factors that positively affect an individual´s confidence.  The study also shows that ethnicity has less significance for social capital because the individual´s high confidence depends on the efficiency of the actors who positively influence social capital.

This study traces the public life of Stephen Dorsey chronologically from his service in the Civil War to the end of his political career, which came with his failure to have a friend appointed governor of New Mexico Territory in 1889. Traditional interpretations of Dorsey are based on a combination of scant evidence, carpetbagger stereotypes, and the assumption that he was guilty of masterminding the monumental swindle of the Star Route Frauds. Closer examination of Dorsey's public life, however, reveals that this traditional view is distorted. A major conclusion of this study is that the assumption on which most traditional views of Dorsey are based, that he was the mastermind behind the Star Route Frauds, is not supported by the evidence. This study shows that it is impossible to study a Gilded Age political figure without also considering his business interests. Many of Dorsey's political activities, for example his involvement in the Compromise of 1877, can be traced to his business enterprises. Although Dorsey was not entirely innocent in the frauds, he was not guilty of the crimes with which the government charged him. This study also concludes that Dorsey was left vulnerable to the prosecution which ended his career in national politics by the peculiarly personal nature of the Republican party in the Gilded Age. That personal control had contributed to Dorsey's rise to power in the Republican party; it also led to his destruction.

This thesis explores the concept of hybridity within the context of rebel-to-party transformation, with a particular focus on Renamo during the period of 2015-2017 in Mozambique. This timeframe was marked by a resurgence of organised systematic violence, disrupting the relative peace that had prevailed in Mozambique since 1992. The central conflict revolved around the issue of local self-governance, with Renamo asserting its claim to govern in six out of Mozambique's ten provinces. During this period, Renamo operated both as a political party with a significant presence in parliament and as an armed group engaged in systematic violence. The rebel-to-party literature has sparked discussions about groups that seem to retain elements of their violent past while transitioning into political parties, leading to the emergence of the concept of hybrid parties. However, this concept remains relatively undefined and underexplored. This thesis seeks to contribute to this discussion through an in-depth qualitative study of Renamo's elite-level politicians, aiming to enhance our understanding of hybrid parties. The study, conducted during the conflict years, closely examines how elite politicians in Renamo navigate their dual roles. It encompasses 14 months of fieldwork from February 2015 to January 2017, drawing on elite interviews, elite-level public statements, and elite observations of parliament, enriched by ethnographic sensibility. The analysis is grounded in a theoretical framework that allows for an exploration of Renamo's behaviour and perceptions as both an armed group and a political party, particularly concerning the issue of local self-governance. Through this analysis, the study aims to elucidate the intersections, thereby advancing our comprehension of how hybridity manifests. The main findings suggest that Renamo's hybridity predominantly manifests through processes related to contemporaneity in behaviour, elite-level legitimisation, and one key political issue. Furthermore, I argue that the hybridity is maintained through narratives of democracy and a charismatic leader. The thesis advocates for a deeper exploration of these processes to enhance both empirical understanding and the theoretical discussion surrounding hybrid parties.

This paper aims to address the research gap concerning the impact of gendered political violence (GPV) on the political ambition of future political prospects and those seeking to become active within the political field. Utilizing the research question “How does the awareness of the impacts regarding gendered political violence affect social science students’ political ambitions?”, a quantitative survey experiment is conducted among Uppsala University students in Sweden. Contrary to the initial hypothesis (H1), exposure to the treatment condition on GPV impacts did not diminish political ambitions; instead, contrary effects were observed. Further findings suggested that women’s political ambitions might be more negatively affected compared to men’s, aligning with hypothesis H2 albeit without statistical significance. Surprisingly, men’s political ambitions appeared strengthened instead. Further robustness tests confirmed all these results to various extents. Serving as an initial exploration into this crucial subject, these results highlight the need for further investigation into GPV’s implications for political ambition and its gendered disparities, both in Sweden and abroad.

Introduction How we can increase children’s opportunities to participate and influence society is a highly topical issue. Against the background of a reduced commitment to political participation and a reduced trust in politicians (see e.g. Amnå & Ekman, 2013; Öhrnvall, 2023), it becomes more important to work on promoting dialogues between decision-makers and citizens. These dialogues can contribute to deepening and strengthening democracy (Bornemark, 2017). The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (SFS 2018:1197) describes the child’s right to form and express his or her views and to have these considered. Swedish youth policy describes the goal as "all young people should have good living conditions, the power to shape their lives and have influence over the development of society" (Prop. 2013/14:191). In addition to the statutory requirements for children’s and young people’s opportunities for participation and influence, there are positive individual and societal benefits. The work with children’s and young people’s participation strengthens social capital and reduces social exclusion (Andersson & Sandgren, 2015; Wennerholm, Juslin & Bremberg, 2004). Municipalities must ground their efforts in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, which is incorporated into Swedish law and stated in political objectives. However, in several municipalities, politicians and civil servants find it difficult to put their knowledge of the Convention into practical work (see e.g. Barnombudsmannen, 2022; Stern & Jörnlund, 2011).  Children and young people have been the main focus in previous studies regarding the work with children’s and young people’s influence. These studies have examined children’s and young people’s political interest and commitment (see e.g. Amnå & Ekman, 2013; Amnå, Ekström & Stattin, 2016; Tukkannen, Kankaaranta & Wilska, 2012) and the significance of forums for the future of democracy such as youth councils (Kassman & Vamstad, 2019; 2022). Other studies have shed light on forums for children’s and young people’s opportunities for participation and influence and how children and young people are given the opportunity to develop by participating in these forums (Andersson, 2018a; Harada, 2023; Kassman & Vamstad, 2019). Informal learning focuses mainly on how children and young people learn to cooperate (Harada, 2023), develop their thoughts by listening to others (Kassman & Vamstad, 2019), and develop their democratic skills (Andersson, 2018a; Harada 2023; Kassman & Vamstad, 2019). There are also studies that have emphasized pedagogical perspectives on adults’ attitudes and the consequences for the way they approach children and young people (Andersson, 2015, 2018a, 2018b, 2022). Viewing young people as future citizens rather than current citizens has been described as a risk that limits their opportunities for participation (Taft & Gordon, 2013). While these previous studies have focused to a greater extent on children and young people, they lack in focus regarding adults and their learning (politicians and civil servants), meaning what skills, abilities, and knowledge adults develop (see e.g. Andersson, 2015, 2018a; Harada, 2023; Kassman & Vamstad 2019; Svensson, 2006; Waara et al., 2010). This study focuses on the adults by highlighting the conditions and expressions of politicians’ and civil servants’ learning in their work on increasing children’s and young people’s influence. A large proportion of the decisions concerning children and young people are made at the municipal level. Local civil servants and politicians deal with a wide range of issues relating to schools, social services, leisure, and community planning, a complex task that requires both education and acquired knowledge in these areas. In a changing world with various demands on the organization, knowledge development and learning processes become central to meeting the challenges they face (see e.g. Argote, 2011; Tjulin & Klockmo, 2023; Sunnemark et al., 2023). The point of departure for this study is that politicians and civil servants have both individual and collective experiences as well as knowledge that can be made visible when they work with children’s and young people’s influence. The learning that takes place within organizations thus becomes central to adapting, developing, and managing the changes in the work that politicians and civil servants are faced with (see e.g. Argote & Miron-Spektor, 2011).  Aim and research question In this study, the focus is on conditions for and expressions of politicians’ and civil servants’ learning in their work on children’s and young people’s influence. Conditions are understood as what enables and hinders learning, which reflects the premises for what kind of learning is made possible in their work. Central to their work on increasing children’s and young people’s influence is dialogue, which makes it possible to share experiences and knowledge.  The purpose of this study is to examine the conditions and expressions of politicians’ and civil servants’ learning in their work with children's and young people's influence. The following research questions guided the study:  x How do politicians and civil servants describe the experiences they bring with them from their work with children and young people?  x What conditions enable and hinder the learning processes of politicians and civil servants in their work with children’s and young people’s influence?  Method This study emanates from data produced between October 2020 and June 2022, primarily through observations of meetings in which nine politicians and 16 civil servants participated. The study is designed as a case, where the case is framed by the model that the municipality has designed for their work on children’s and young people’s influence. The study’s empirical data has been collected through observations and dialogue sessions. Through these observations of their work, it became possible to see how their understanding is expressed (see e.g. Lalander, 2015; Kawulich, 2005). In doing so, the observations have been a prerequisite for studying conditions and expressions that emerge while they work and how these can enable or hinder politicians’ and civil servants’ learning. The study’s dialogue sessions were inspired by unstructured focus groups (Wibeck, 2010) and reflexive participant collaboration (Motulsky, 2021). Prior to the dialogue session, participants viewed a stimulus material based on the observations. These meetings allowed politicians and civil servants to develop their thoughts about the work previously observed (see e.g. Motulsky 2021; Wibeck, 2010). The empirical material that forms the basis of the analysis consists of three parts, (1) observation notes, (2) transcripts from dialogue sessions and (3) written documents. In the current study, data triangulation has been used. By collecting data in such a way, it’s possible to see what commonly occurs on different occasions and what becomes visible in situated contexts (Fusch, Fusch & Ness, 2018). It can be described by the way observations relate to different activities between people and groups where the context becomes central. Triangulation has been used in this study to deepen knowledge about how these different factors complement each other in the municipality’s work. All data was analysed through a thematic analysis based on the work of Braun and Clarke (2006). The analysis aimed to identify and investigate patterns in the material in relation to the purpose of the study and resulted in five themes with subthemes. Results The study’s material shows how politicians’ and civil servants’ experience external demands and internal expectations become prerequisites for the shaping of their learning processes. The external and internal contexts create conditions for what knowledge both individuals, groups, and the organization obtain (see e.g. Argote 2013; Argote & Miron-Spector, 2011). The study shows how their work is shaped by external requirements which contain overall goals based on the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and the national goals for youth policy (SFS 2018:1197; Prop. 2013/14:191). The external context is also shaped by existing norms, such as norms about age, and the way politicians formulate policies that are institutionalized in their work (see e.g. Butler, 1980). Norms regarding children and childhood shape their work including policies and politics. In the external contexts of the work, there is also a contradiction that can be exemplified by nationally prevalent political expressions such as "being the adult in the room" which comes into conflict with the point of view regarding children as competent actors, stated in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (SFS 2018:1197). The different demands formulated by the external context also have an impact on how the local goals and efforts are shaped.  This study shows how commitment and motivation are prerequisite for sharing experiences and knowledge at work. Politicians and civil servants participate in various knowledge-raising activities related to work with children’s and young people’s influence and then bring these experiences to their smaller working groups. The discussions that take place at work can be understood as a way of assimilating knowledge, i.e. how they try to make sense of others' experiences and knowledge in their own context (see e.g. Cohen & Levinthal, 1990; Vaghefi, Lapointe & Shahbaznehad, 2018). However, the results reveal challenges in transferring the information to new situations and making use of it. The results show that the new forms of work largely resemble their previous structures. An explanation could be seen in terms of how their experiences affect the knowledge they acquire (see e.g. Argote, 2013; Argote & Miron-Spektor, 2011). An alternative way of understanding this might be that reaching out to a wider range of young people is a complex issue. It also appears from previous studies that organizations can encounter difficulties in dealing with complex problems and that individuals and groups tend to propose solutions that are familiar to them (Fang, Lee & Shilling, 2010). These issues can be difficult to address in the context of previous experience, and this demonstrates the need to develop new knowledge in and for efforts to increase children’s and young people’s influence.  The results of the study also indicate that the information and knowledge gained at work is mostly limited to discussions in smaller working groups. Previous studies have emphasized the importance of information and knowledge being discussed between individuals with different backgrounds, which benefits the organization’s ability to utilize it in and for work (Cohen and Levinthal, 1990). Experiences and knowledge are mainly discussed in smaller constellations, limiting the possibility of making these discussions into a common knowledge resource.  Discussion and Conclusions The results of the study show that external and internal contexts of work, together with experiences, affect directions that politicians and civil servants see as viable in their work on increasing children’s and young people’s influence. The external context for work includes goal formulations, legal provisions as well as norms that shape conditions for the way politicians and civil servants make sense of their work within a local context. The results also show vague goal formulations in both the external and internal contexts of their work, which contributes to creating implicit goals for work. Previous studies have emphasized the importance of breaking down overall goals, to make the core of the work visible and for individuals and groups to create the circumstances for sharing relevant experiences and knowledge (see e.g. Goswami & Agrawal, 2020). The results of the study highlight the importance of working within the organization to develop a common understanding of goals and the reason for working to increase children’s and young people's influence. The results also indicate that existing norms regarding children and childhood constitute a hinderance to the conditions needed for politicians’ and civil servants’ learning processes. The division between children’s rights and children’s protection contributes to the challenges that politicians and civil servants encounter in their work. The results of the study show that politicians and civil servants need to reflect upon their experiences of children and understanding of childhood and how doing this is a condition for doing their job. This is to bridge a dichotomous way of thinking about children’s rights and children’s protection. These two perspectives do not have to create contradictions but can be united in the efforts to increase children's and young people’s influence. These two perspectives have been highlighted in previous studies which found that they do not have to imply contradictions, but rather that it is necessary to include both concerns in their work (see e.g. Hellman, Hekkilä, Sundhall, 2014; Gustafsson, 2022). The results indicate that there is a need to pay attention to norms about age that appear in the work done by politicians and civil servants. This study contributes to other findings showing it is important to think critically about one’s previous notions regarding age and what these experiences add to new situations at work. / Den här studien belyser villkor och uttryck för politikers och tjänstemäns lärande i deras arbete med barns och ungas inflytande. Studien tar sin utgångspunkt i hur politiker och tjänstemän beskriver erfarenheter de tar med sig från arbetet med barn och unga och vilka villkor som möjliggör och hindrar deras lärprocesser i arbetet med barns och ungas inflytande. Studien är en fallstudie som ramas in av politikers och tjänstemäns arbete med den modell som de utvecklat för arbetet med barns och ungas inflytande. I studien har nio politiker och 16 tjänstemän deltagit. Materialet har samlats in genom observationer, dialogmöten samt dokument. Observationerna genomfördes vid möten som har en relation till kommunens modell, under tidperioden oktober 2020 – juni 2022. Inför studiens dialogmöten användes tematiseringar från de genomförda observationerna som stimulusmaterial. Avslutningsvis genomfördes dialogmöten i två grupperingar, politiker respektive tjänstemän. Dialogmötena möjliggjorde för politiker och tjänstemän att resonera och reflektera kring det arbete som tidigare observerats.  En utgångspunkt i studien är att politiker och tjänstemän har individuella och kollektiva erfarenheter och kunskaper som synliggörs i arbetet med barns och ungas inflytande. Dessa erfarenheter blir, tillsammans med de yttre och inre kontexterna i arbetet, centrala för vilka vägar de ser som framkomliga. De yttre kontexterna innehåller målformuleringar, lagrum och normer som formar villkor för hur politiker respektive tjänstemän begripliggör arbetet inom deras lokala kontext. De vaga målformuleringarna inom de yttre och inre kontexterna bidrar till att det skapas implicita mål för arbetet. Resultatet visar även på att normer kring barn och barndom utgör ett hindrande villkor för politikers och tjänstemäns lärande. Uppdelningen som finns i såväl omgivningen som organisationen mellan barns rätt och barns skydd kan här förstås bidragande till de utmaningar som de möter. Studiens resultat visar ett behov av att rikta uppmärksamhet mot normer kring ålder som framträder i arbetet och vad de erfarenheter som de formar bidrar med till och för arbetet.  I studien framträder även hur engagemang och motivation hos politiker och tjänstemän blir förutsättningsskapande för att utveckla arbetet likväl som för att skapa lärandeprocesser. Diskussionerna som sker i arbetet, kan förstås bidra till att politiker respektive tjänstemän delar erfarenheter och kunskaper. För att dessa erfarenheter och kunskaper ska bli till en resurs för arbetet krävs att dessa assimileras, det vill säga omsätts i nya situationer. Studiens resultat visar att de individer som deltar i olika former av kunskapshöjande aktiviteter får en viktig roll i att dela och begripliggöra information och kunskap till övriga inom organisationen. Det framgår även att de erfarenheter och kunskaper som utvecklas framför allt delas i mindre arbetsgrupper. Här framträder ett behov av att utveckla arbetssätt för att ta vara på de erfarenheter och kunskaper som utvecklas, för att dessa framåt kan utgöra en gemensam kunskapsresurs för och i arbetet.

The purpose of this study is to understand which challenges women politicians on Gotland face and how they perceive themselves in their political work. We aim to highlight existing gender norms and how these translate into challenges within an island setting. This research further highlights the identity work women politicians at a local level engage in. The theoretical frameworks used include feminist political theory, feminist institutionalism, identity, and political identity. The empirical data was gathered through 13 semi-structured interviews with local women politicians on Gotland. Taking on a feminist approach, our study underscores and engages with the complexity of the stories, emotions, and experiences of our participants. Our findings underline several challenges women politicians face, including Part of a quota?, Motherhood and Double standards. Our findings also stress that the notion of femininity, such as motherhood and emotionality, need to be the base for restructuring and reframing current political systems to allow for true gender equality. Additionally, our findings reveal three identity facets, (1) The Holistic Caretaker, (2) The Freedom Fighter, and (3) The Game Player, which women politicians take on depending on the political context and while aiming to navigate through the political landscape. Lastly, we have identified the paradox Women vs Women. Our study sheds light on the intertwined and complex nature of gender related challenges in local politics and reveals the paradoxical nature of women’s attempt to move up the political staircase, while simultaneously trying to challenge pre-existing systemic structures.

The process which culminated in the establishment of the East African Community (EAC) in 1967 started in the early 1920s. The idea was first conceived in Britain. Initially, East Africans vehemently opposed this idea fearing that it would sustain British hegemony in the region, but their resentment did not prevent the establishment of the East African High Commission (EAHC) in January 1948. It was only in the 1950s and 1960s that East African leaders embraced the idea due to political and economic reasons. In 1961 they converted the EAHC into the East African Common Services Organisation (EACSO) and in 1967 they established the EAC. Nationalism and sub-nationalisms in the region cast a spell on the EAC. The coup, which took place in Uganda in 1971, strained relations between Idi Amin and Presidents Nyerere and Kenyatta thus making it impossible to hold regional meetings. Eventually, the EAC collapsed in June 1977. / Political Science / M.A. (Politics)