En ce début de XXIème siècle, toutes les sociétés multilingues et multiculturelles, soit pratiquement tous les pays du monde, sont concernées par la politique linguistique scolaire. La gestion des langues de scolarisation, en particulier, est devenue l’affaire de tous les États soucieux (ou contraints) d’assurer le vivre-ensemble et de contribuer au développement humain, social, économique tout en ménageant des identités culturelles labiles et plurielles. Le XXème siècle a été celui de l’organisation des sociétés en unités étatiques sur fond d’utopie démocratique. Il a été celui d’une métamorphose du paysage politique avec l’apparition des organismes supranationaux et le réveil de la société civile. Dans un contexte global qui semble vouloir en finir avec la malédiction de Babel, nous tentons de problématiser la dimension concrète de la fabrique des politiques linguistiques scolaires. Nous soutenons dans ce travail qu’une politique linguistique scolaire est le résultat de l’interaction complexe entre une multitude d’acteurs au poids variable. En nous intéressant au cas mexicain et plus spécifiquement à celui de l’État du Jalisco, nous nous proposons d’interroger la fabrique de la politique d’éducation bilingue interculturelle mexicaine comme un espace de négociations au carrefour des recommandations globales, des choix étatiques et des revendications des populations indigènes.Cette thèse est une réflexion théorique et pragmatique sur la fabrique des politiques linguistiques scolaires. Elle est entièrement tournée vers l’objectif de prendre en considération la complexité inhérente à la conception des politiques linguistiques scolaires dans un monde glocalisé. / At this start of the XXIst century, all multilingual and multicultural societies, that is to say almost all countries in the world, are concerned with school language policies. In particular, schooling language management is a shared concern by all states involved in (or obliged to) ensure the living together and to contribute to the human, social and economic development while maintaining cultural identities both labile and plural. During the XXth century societies organised themselves into state units with a democratic utopia in the background. It was a century where the political scene got transformed with the appearance of supranational organizations and the reawakening of the civil society.In a global context that seems “to want” to finish with the Babel’s curse, we try to analyse the practical dimensions of schooling language policies’ construction.In this work we support that school language policies are the results of a complex interaction between numerous actors with variable power of action.With our focus on the Mexican case and more specifically on the case of the State of Jalisco, we try to analyse the construction of the intercultural and bilingual education policy - considering it as a space for negotiations at the crossroad between global recommendations, State choices and the expectations of the native populations.This thesis is a theoretical and pragmatic reflection on the “making” of schooling language policies. It is completely turned to the objective to take into consideration the inherent complexity in the conception of the school language policies in a glocalized world. / En esos principios del siglo XXI, cualquier sociedad multilingüe y multicultural, es decir casi todos los países del mundo, se debe de enfocar en una política lingüística escolar. El manejo de los idiomas de escolarización, en especial, se convirtió en un asunto central para todos los Estados preocupados (o forzados) por asegurar la convivencia y contribuir al desarrollo humano, social y económico, respetando a la vez identidades culturales cambiantes y plurales. El siglo XX vio las sociedades organizarse en entidades estatales en medio de una utopía democrática. Asimismo, vio el profundo cambio del paisaje político con la aparición de organismos supranacionales y el despertar de la sociedad civil. Dentro de un contexto global que parece querer ponerle fin a la maldición de Babel, tratamos aquí de plantear la creación / fabricación de las políticas lingüísticas escolares. En contra de cierta tradición en la investigación sobre política y planificación lingüística que se esmera en analizar una política a través de un análisis estático, sostenemos en el presente trabajo la idea que una política lingüística escolar es el resultado de una compleja interacción entre una multitud de actores de importancia variable. Enfocándonos en el caso mexicano, y en especial en el Estado de Jalisco, nos proponemos cuestionar la creación de la política lingüística escolar en México - política de educación bilingüe intercultural - como un espacio de negociaciones entre las recomendaciones globales, las elecciones de los estados, y las reivindicaciones de los pueblos indigenas. La presente tesis es una reflexión teórica y a la vez pragmática sobre la creación de las políticas lingüísticas escolares. Tiene como objetivo fundamental tomar en consideración la complejidad inherente a la concepción de esas políticas en un mundo glocalizado.

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The master's thesis International impact of Catalonia independence efforts aims to analyze what is the international impact caused by Catalonia's efforts to separate from Spain. It does so by establishing theoretical framework of Conflict theory and internationalized conflicts. Within this framework, the Catalonia's case is examined. The thesis provides wide and extensive background on Catalan independence in order to understand how independence efforts in Catalonia emerged and evolved. The thesis also explains the means which are used by Catalan representatives in order to promote the independence internationally. Brief comparative examples of other regions within Europe are provided (with one notable mention outside of European continent) which seek for independence, as some of the features are common for all of them. Later on, the thesis features analytical part in which international impacts of Catalonia's strive for independence are examined. Those include e.g. effects on the European Union, other separatist regions, and more. Important explanation is offered about possible economic consequences with the usage of quantitative data. The thesis in its final stage applies conflict theory on Catalonia's case. It also uses all the before explained historical background. It concludes with assessment...

Bc. Karel Höfer Komparativní volební inženýrství v postjugoslávském prostoru KP IPS FSV UK Diplomová práce ABSTRACT The thesis deals with the topic of electoral engineering and electoral design in the Post- Yugoslav area. It can be classified within social sciences as a part of political science, specifically as a part of comparative political science and electoral studies. The subject of this thesis is electoral design and electoral engineering. Its cases are political and electoral systems in the Post-Yugoslav area up to 2012. The importance of this topic consists in the fact that it is not entirely explored topic. On that account it deserves attention from both empirical and theoretical perspective. The research of electoral design and electoral engineering is one of the most promising courses of contemporary political science. The Post-Yugoslav area offers an ideal environment for comparative political science in general and comparative approach due to its common historical and institutional grounds, but different political and institutional development after the disintegration. The primary objective of this work is the comparison of electoral design and electoral engineering in the Post-Yugoslav area. An important component of this work is also original and comprehensive theoretical framework for a...

This dissertation studies how the Indonesian state facilitates the migration of its female citizens for employment as domestic workers in Hong Kong. Applying the research perspective of ethnographic migration and border regime analysis, I scrutinize the multiplicity of state and non-state practices in one of Asia’s major ‘labor brokerage’ countries. Building on a 12-month multi-sited ethnography in Indonesia and Hong Kong, the study sheds light on the desired and lived subjectivities of the workers and asks how these negotiate visions of national development and official expectations brought forward to them. Informed by Foucauldian, postcolonial, and feminist perspectives, I carve out how a variety of actors are invested in making Indonesia’s migrant domestic workers more respectable. I introduce the concept of respectability and situate official notions of the ‘ideal migrant’ in aspirations to modernize Indonesian brokerage on the one hand and in discourses that circle around national dignity on the other. I discuss respectability in light of the tensions inherent in labor brokerage. I show that in their subjective practices, migrant domestic workers in Hong Kong challenge official strivings for respectability, thus engaging in everyday politics from below that have repercussions on the Indonesian society. The dissertation extends earlier studies that highlight the role of gendered morality in disciplining migrant labor force. In addition, it incorporates notions of progressiveness and class distinction and points out that negotiations over migrants’ subjectivities are indicative of fundamental contestations over the self-conceptions of labor brokerage states. By examining a sending state in the Global South, it provides a global view and productively connects research on transnational migration in Asia with ethnographic migration and border regime analyses, which have hitherto mainly focused on European and North American border regimes. The dissertation gives insights in how transnational labor migration shapes the modes in which questions of (national) belonging and visions of societal well-being are negotiated in post-authoritarian Indonesia.

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