Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Rafael Vieira Caxile.pdf: 3498718 bytes, checksum: b95cd7d6ee1050c932e063ac12806102 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-08-19 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Through certain typology sources analysis such as journals, Historical Institute magazines, official documents, epoch chronicles and interviews, we had as main objective to scrutinize some cultural events in this study, namely, carnivals, congos and maracatus. We understand them as salutary sociability moments of the lower classes. Accordingly, we seek to identify these events as an integration possibility, circularity and a contestation of a particular society segment. We also pursue to understand the authorities posture in disciplining the urban space with measures and techniques to adjust the common people in a social way, mostly African descendants, through body control, gestures and behaviors. Specifically, we look for understanding the maracatu practice in Fortaleza as a reference for the construction of identities belonging narratives in what is to be considered African / Através da análise de determinadas tipologias de fontes como: periódicos, revistas do Instituto Histórico, documentos oficiais, crônica de época e entrevistas, tivemos como objetivo principal nessa pesquisa perscrutar algumas manifestações culturais dentre elas, carnavais, congos e maracatus, as entendendo como momentos salutares de sociabilidade das classes menos favorecidas. Nesse sentido buscamos: a) identificar essas manifestações como possibilidade de inserção, circularidade e contestação de determinado segmento da sociedade; b) perceber a postura das autoridades em disciplinar o espaço urbano com medidas e técnicas para reajustar socialmente as camadas populares, principalmente os afro-descendentes, por meio do controle voltado para os corpos, gestos e comportamentos; c) especificamente, entender a prática do maracatu na cidade de Fortaleza, enquanto referencial para a construção de narrativas de pertencimento identitários naquilo que se considera afro

The subject of this dissertation is the life and career of \(Nakano Seig\bar{o}\), a Japanese journalist and politician born in Fukuoka-city on the southwestern island of \(Ky\bar{u}sh\bar{u}\) in 1886. Initially a liberal and a democrat, Nakano became enamored with European-style fascist movements in the 1930s and tried to start a similar political mass movement in Japan. Advocating a hard-line \(vis-\grave{a}-vis\) America and England, Nakano supported Japan’s entry into WW2. As early as mid-1942, however, he understood that Japan could not win the war and demanded that the government sue for peace – a position that put him into direct opposition with Japan’s military. After being imprisoned briefly for his attempt to bring down the \(T\bar{o}j\bar{o}\) cabinet in the summer of 1943, Nakano committed ritual suicide in October of the same year. The dissertation focuses on Nakano’s enchantment with European fascist movements – Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy in particular - and his attempts to launch a similar movement in Japan. Nakano’s attraction to fascism was, in part, a reaction to the international economic and political trends following the Great Depression but also reflected his life-long admiration for charismatic political leaders. His fascist leanings were also the result of a complex political calculation that aimed to exploit the appearance of the masses on Japan’s political stage. The thesis argues that Nakano’s attempt to launch a popular mass movement modeled on the European fascist movements failed both because Nakano’s parties (first the \(Kokumin D\bar{o}mei\), 1931-6 and then the \(T\bar{o}h\bar{o}kai\), 1937 – 1943) lacked ideological cohesion as well as truly totalitarian scope and because Nakano refused to resort to political violence as a means to achieve his political ends. / East Asian Languages and Civilizations

John Erskine was the leading Evangelical in the Church of Scotland in the latter half of the eighteenth century. Educated in an enlightened setting at Edinburgh University, he learned to appreciate the epistemology of John Locke and other empiricists alongside key Scottish Enlightenment figures such as his ecclesiastical rival, William Robertson. Although groomed to follow in his father’s footsteps as a lawyer, Erskine changed career paths in order to become a minister of the Kirk. He was deeply moved by the endemic revivals in the west of Scotland and determined that his contribution to the burgeoning Evangelical movement on both sides of the Atlantic would be much greater as a clergyman than a lawyer. Yet Erskine was no ‘enthusiast’. He integrated the style and moral teachings of the Enlightenment into his discourses and posited new theories on traditional views of Calvinism in his theological treatises. Erskine’s thought, however, never transgressed the boundaries of orthodoxy. His goal was to update Evangelical Calvinism with the new style and techniques of the Enlightenment without sacrificing the gospel message. While Erskine was widely recognised as an able preacher and theologian, his primary contribution to Evangelicalism was as a disseminator. He sent correspondents like the New England pastor Jonathan Edwards countless religious and philosophical works so that he and others could learn about current ideas, update their writings to conform to the Age of Reason and provide an apologetic against perceived heretical authors. Erskine also was crucial in the publishing of books and pamphlets by some of the best Evangelical theologians in America and Britain. Within his lifetime, Erskine’s main contribution to Evangelicalism was as a propagator of an enlightened form of Calvinism.

Senior thesis "The development of electoral support of far-right parties in Slovakia during 2010-2016 and factors influencing this support" examines the development of electoral support of Slovak National Party and People's Party Our Slovakia using some of the tools of electoral support geography. The theoretical part is dedicated to existing definitions of extreme right-wing parties through which the choice of parties for further examination is made. The analytical part is split into two parts: the first classifies electoral support through the method of region and core of electoral support. At the same time, the first part defines regions which have had a stable electoral support throughout the entire observed period. All findings are presented in a cartographic form. Using an array of statistical tools, the latter part takes on the task of correlating the results of elections, in regards to far-right parties, with selected demographic characteristics of municiplaties, which are assumed to have positive impact upon the income of far-right parties.