The former industrial area Called Lövholmen in Stockholm is in a state of transformation, it is about to open up to the public for the first time in over a hundred years. The idea from the municipality and the property owners is to develop a new housing area and a majority of the remaining buildings is planned to be demolished. The suggestion received a lot of criticism and has sparked local people to engage with the future of Lövholmen and an organisation was founded called FOCUS LÖVHOLMEN, UPPROP NITROLACK. When the demolition permit on Nitrolack factory was filed, Upprop Nitrolack started a petition to stop it and (together with other organisations and institutions) successfully appealed the permit for now.  This project aims to explore the transformation of an existing structure, in an attempt to repurpose and reconfigure a structure in an ever-evolving urban context and to accept change as a part of creation. Two former industrial buildings in a typical post industrial site is set to be transformed into a new public space for Lövholmen. The project aims to discuss a series of questions:  -How can Nitrolackfabriken and Förbandsfabriken be repurposed?  -What spatial qualities can be achieved by engaging with existing structures? -How can architectural and historical qualities be preserved while transforming a place and adding new elements? -How can both change and preservation be considered simultaneously?

Research on post-industrial memory have recently brought to attention the role of workers’ collective memory in deindustrialised landscapes. However, the role of memory in continued and developed industries is a theme largely unexplored. Drawing on tangent research interests in absent-presences, spectrality, and more-than-representational theory, this thesis extends research on post-industrial memory by exploring collective memory in one such continued industry—the transformed and transforming commuter railway Roslagsbanan in Stockholm, Sweden. Through a case-study using autoethnography and mobile in-depth interviews with railway workers, the thesis shows how the past in representational and more-than-representational form provide affective encounters for workers in their everyday lives. Through encounters with remnants of the past, workers’ collective memory provides meaning to the present through materialities, stories, photographs, embodiments, places, and landscapes. However, as the landscape and workplace transform in what workers see as both development and ruination, the opportunity for memory to surface is challenged. With relevance for research on (post)industrial memory, the thesis shows how memory becomes an animating force in everyday work caught up in a liminality between development and ruination. Practiced in a continued industry, memory becomes a way to enliven the present.

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The primary purposes of this dissertation were to (i) assess and identify post-industrial urban neighborhoods with food-insecure and vulnerable populations, and (ii) explore and analyze the role of nonprofit organizations (NPOs) in addressing place-based food insecurity. The study used mixed-methods, including qualitative GIS, statistical tests, surveys, interviews, and field observations. A food justice theoretical framework was used to develop a Place-Based Food Insecurity and Vulnerability Index (PFIVI), which factored together 33 variables to measure six indicators. The study applied this index in the City of Philadelphia and then examined three types of interventions that NPOs embark on - providing hunger relief, providing healthy and affordable food through the alternative food movement, and offering food-based programs and events tied with community capacity building efforts. Statistical relationships between PFIVI scores and NPO-driven programs showed spatial mismatch issues between the programs and community needs in some neighborhoods. This research also highlighted other limitations of these programs and the challenges that NPOs face both on- and above-the-ground. While the NPOs are trying hard to promote food justice through their mission statements, advocacy, outreach, and on-the-ground programs, the city may have only partially achieved this goal. A lot more needs to be done by strengthening organizational networks, strengthening social networks with community residents, and offering healthy but affordable food in disadvantaged neighborhoods, and NPOs alone should not bear these responsibilities. / Geography

yes / This report is a summary of the views of a range of practitioners working in Bradford, Burnley and Oldham on the challenges of building community interaction in these three northern `cities¿ which experienced disturbances in 2001. Practitioners from a variety of professional backgrounds from each of the locations met in Burnley on January 12th 2007 to reflect together on the key challenges that they had faced since 2001 and the progress, or lack thereof, that has been made. Their observations were recorded and form the basis of this report. Despite the significant differences between the `cities¿ in their size, location and demographics, practitioners from the three locations seemed to broadly share the analysis of the progress made and of the threats to progress since the disturbances in 2001. Information-sharing between organizations in the `cities¿ has improved. Some organizations are able to move more quickly to reduce/prevent tensions building. More young women, particularly young Muslim women, are becoming involved at a community level bringing new perspectives and ways of thinking. Yet practitioners also identified a variety of conditions which continued to make the `cities¿ vulnerable to fresh disturbances in the future. Perhaps chief among these was the concern over the high levels of discontent expressed by young people in each of the locations. The relatively low levels of educational attainment and engagement, high levels of crime which young people can get `sucked into¿ and the low level of mixing between young people from different ethnic groupings were all seen as underlying factors which could lead to fresh disturbances. Added to this were serious concerns about the levels of racism in each of the `cities¿, a lack of equal opportunities and the pressures on particular communities from the press and the police. One participant articulated the basic question running throughout the practitioners¿ discussions, ¿We are probably ready to deal with the 2001 disturbances now, but are we ready for 2007?"

This research involves understanding the civic learning that emerged from the ways individuals in two civic action groups, Greenhill Historical Society (GHS) in Bonnybridge, a deindustrialised location, and Cumbernauld Village Action for the Community (CVAC) in Cumbernauld Village, a Conservation Area, enacted their citizenship through the spatial (geographical) and temporal (historical) characteristics of their place. I use a citizenship-as-practice conceptualisation, where citizenship is not a status ‘given’ to individuals who have successfully displayed pre-requisite outcomes, but is a continuous and indeterminate practice through exposure to real challenges. To understand the learning occurring for, from and through their practices, I used Biesta’s theory of civic learning (Biesta, 2011). It involves a socialisation conception of civic learning as the adoption of existing civic identities, where individuals adapt to a given political order, and a subjectification conception which focuses on how political agency is achieved. The theory connects learning and action together, where Biesta argues socialisation involves the individual requiring to learn something in order to carry out the ‘correct’ actions in the future; however, subjectification involves action preceding learning, where learning comes second, if at all. I used a case study design and a psychogeographic mapping methodology involving secondary data analysis, psychogeographic mapping interviews and observations. Civic action emerged as a more central component than civic learning through my empirical analysis. The civic actions of GHS emerged as a case of reconsideration (redefining, re-meaning their location through interventions in public), and CVAC of reconfiguration (actions physically altering the landscape). These actions concerning space and time involved spatial shifts from mapreading to mapmaking, and temporal shifts from histories ‘of’ and ‘for’ the public, towards histories ‘by’ the public. Respondents became ‘curators’ of their places: from spectators to participants in making and representing spaces and histories that opened their locations to interruptions of the continuities of time. Attending to practices of citizens with space and time contains possibilities for public pedagogies that work ‘with’ context rather than just ‘in’, towards opening up opportunities for citizens to ‘become public’ as practices that trouble pre-existing arrangements and configurations.

Entre la naissance du ministère de la Santé en 1947 et l’année 1987, l’Irlande est-elle parvenue à prendre le train de la santé et du bien-être pour son peuple ? Certes, on consacrait année après année des sommes d’argent de plus en plus importantes au budget de la Santé et les résultats furent incontestables si l’on se focalise sur les différents indicateurs de Santé. Ainsi l’Irlande est-elle rapidement venue à bout de la tuberculose, par exemple...La notion même de système de santé a changé au cours de la période. Elle s’attachait jadis au fait de soigner les malades, et a progressivement mis l’accent sur la prévention, considérant le patient comme une personne à part entière avec toute une série de facettes sociales.Pour autant, la Santé pour le peuple implique également l’accès au système et l’égalité de traitement pour tous, ce qui n’a pas toujours été le cas – le grief classique fait au système de Santé irlandais étant que c’est un système à deux vitesses, puisque les détenteurs d’une carte médicale (de gratuité des soins) sont en fait victimes de discrimination : le système permet à ceux qui ne jouissent pas d’un accès gratuit de bénéficier en fait d’un service de meilleure qualité, ainsi que de listes d’attente moins longues.Afin d’analyser la manière dont fonctionnait le système de santé en 1987, quarante ans après sa naissance, cette thèse tente de décoder l’empreinte qu’a laissé l’Histoire sur ses infrastructures (les hôpitaux, par exemple) ainsi que sur ses structures administratives.L’étape suivante consiste à étudier l’évolution du système, qui fut lente et entravée par diverses forces luttant contre le changement (comme la Hiérarchie catholique ou les docteurs).Notre étude souligne enfin l’impact de l’entrée de l’Irlande dans la Communauté Economique Européenne (CEE) et son attitude dans le grand débat des années quatre-vingts autour de la crise de l’Etat-Providence qui résultait de l’éthique économique conservatrice qui occupait le devant de la scène à l’époque. / Between the birth of the Ministry of Health in 1947 and 1987, has Ireland managed to jump on the bandwagon of health and welfare for its people? True enough, more and more money was poured into healthcare year after year and the results were indisputable if one focuses on the various health indicators. Ireland quickly managed to get rid of tuberculosis, for instance...The very notion of healthcare changed a lot during the period. It used to focus on curing the sick, and gradually gave more and more importance to prevention, regarding the patient as a full-fledged person with a whole series of social facets.Still, healthcare for the people also implies eligibility and equality of treatment for all, which has not always been the case – the classic reproach against the Irish healthcare system being that it is a two-tier system, the holders of a medical card being in fact discriminated against by a system which allows those who do not benefit from free access to it to actually enjoy a better service together with shorter waiting lists.In order to analyse the way the Irish system functioned in 1987, forty years after its birth, this PhD attempts at deciphering the imprint History had left on its infrastructures (hospitals, for instance) and on its administrative structures.The next step consists in studying the evolution of the system, which was slow and hindered by various forces fighting against change (like the catholic Hierarchy or the doctors).Finally, our study highlights the impact of Ireland’s EEC membership and the country’s stance in the great debate of the eighties over the notion of welfare crisis, stemming from the economic conservative ethos that prevailed at the time.

This project explores a reinterpretation process of a deindustrial site through landscape architecture. By using the industrial process to guide the formation of the landscape, spaces, and experiences, a semi-abandoned industrial site is transformed into a cultural park. The purpose of the project is to articulate the intriguing qualities of a deindustrial site and respond to them through a design process that is sensitive to the history and character of the site, while allowing contemporary uses and experiences to evolve. / February 2008

Constructed in 1886 by Mr. John Abell, the former engine and machine works factory at 48 Abell Street is located near Queen and Dufferin Streets in Toronto, Ontario. This 100,000 square foot heavy timber and red brick building has housed approximately 80 live/work studios since the 1980’s. Recently, rapid gentrification and intensive development proposals in the West Queen West neighbourhood have threatened its existence as an authentic artistic incubator. In a series of chronicles, this thesis documents the history of John Abell and the neighbourhood surrounding his former factory from the late 19th century to present day. Woven into this narrative are the author’s own stories of living in a loft at 48 Abell Street, observing the transformation of the neighbourhood and responding to potential eviction from her home. When the community rallies to the building’s defense, 48 Abell becomes the central figure in a battle over land development with the City and real estate developers in which the key issue is the cultural value of heritage buildings and protection of live/work spaces. Research in the form of mapping and data collection shows the concentration of the arts in the area known as the Queen West Triangle has been a catalyst for gentrification. The resulting displacement of arts production space and low-income residents due to escalating land values is an unintended and sobering reality challenging the current orthodoxy of ‘creative city’ movements in North America.

Constructed in 1886 by Mr. John Abell, the former engine and machine works factory at 48 Abell Street is located near Queen and Dufferin Streets in Toronto, Ontario. This 100,000 square foot heavy timber and red brick building has housed approximately 80 live/work studios since the 1980’s. Recently, rapid gentrification and intensive development proposals in the West Queen West neighbourhood have threatened its existence as an authentic artistic incubator. In a series of chronicles, this thesis documents the history of John Abell and the neighbourhood surrounding his former factory from the late 19th century to present day. Woven into this narrative are the author’s own stories of living in a loft at 48 Abell Street, observing the transformation of the neighbourhood and responding to potential eviction from her home. When the community rallies to the building’s defense, 48 Abell becomes the central figure in a battle over land development with the City and real estate developers in which the key issue is the cultural value of heritage buildings and protection of live/work spaces. Research in the form of mapping and data collection shows the concentration of the arts in the area known as the Queen West Triangle has been a catalyst for gentrification. The resulting displacement of arts production space and low-income residents due to escalating land values is an unintended and sobering reality challenging the current orthodoxy of ‘creative city’ movements in North America.