Progesterone receptor (PR) is an essential pharmacological target for contraception, female reproductive disorders as well as for hormone-dependent breast and uterine cancers. Human PR is expressed as two major isoforms PRA and PRB which behave as distinct transcriptional factors. PRA vs PRB expression is often altered under pathological conditions notably breast cancer through unknown mechanisms. In this thesis we demonstrate that down-regulations of PRB and PRA proteins are negatively controlled by key phosphorylation events involving distinct MAP kinase signaling. PRA is selectively stabilized by p38 MAPK whereas p42/44 MAPK specifically controls PRB stability leading to unbalanced PRA/PRB ratios in a ligand sensitive manner. In cancer cells, elevated extracellular stimuli such as epidermal growth factors or pro-inflammatory cytokines that preferentially activate p42/44 or p38 MAPK respectively may result in opposite variations in PRA/PRB expression ratio. These results may explain altered PRA/PRB ratios often associated with breast tumors. To get a mechanistic understanding of how varied PRA/PRB ratio contributes in cell signaling, we generated an original bi-inducible PR-isoform cell model allowing selective, reversible and dose-dependent expression of PRA and/or PRB, enabling fine-tune adjustment of PRA/PRB ratio in the same cells. Using this cell-based system, we undertook genome-wide transcriptomic studies to investigate transcriptional regulation driven by unliganded and liganded PR isoforms. We report that several aspects of PR signaling such as target gene selection/transcriptional regulation, cross-talk with growth factors and antiproliferative efficacy of antiprogestin are highly dependent upon variation in PRA/PRB ratio. A new potential therapeutic strategy in PR-dependent pathological conditions may rely on the use of PR antagonists. Most of the currently available antiprogestins such as mifepristone present partial agonist activity and are not selective to PR leading to undesirable side effects. Therefore, in a collaborative project we have synthesized and characterized several new PR antagonist compounds named as APRn. Structure-activity relationship studies allowed identification of the key substitutions in steroidal skeleton responsible for agonist/antagonist character of these molecules. Several selected APRn lack partial agonist effect, are PR specific and inhibit PR transcriptional properties through a new passive mechanism of action i.e. impaired recruitment of transcriptional coregulators. Such PR selective antagonists devoid of partial agonist character might provide important therapeutic perspectives for various reproductive tract abnormalities and hormone-dependent uterine and breast cancers. Altogehter, our results provide mechanistic insights into the functional selectivity of PR isoforms and their pharmacological targeting by the use of PR antagonists.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:39:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5552.pdf: 2395652 bytes, checksum: e2cd03150edac661c1d81345af8dc41c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-28 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / The present research focuses on the question of memory and representation of the Brazilian civil-military dictatorship through the analysis of two films, Pra Frente Brasil (1982) [Go further Brazil] and Ação Entre Amigos [Action between friends] (1998), which explore this period of national history. Our goal was to understand the contributions and limits of these two pieces of cinematographic work as bearers of civil military dictatorship memories. So, we examine how the civil-military dictatorship comes to the scene in the mentioned pictures, relating them to their own production context. We take as presupposition the fact that films are bearers of meanings that allow us to understand the relation between human beings and their historical time. For that we take as our own the Pilar Calveiros s conception of memory and, trying to comprehend the relation between cinema, memory and society, we found our theory on Walter Benjamin s theoretical and methodological referential, as on his conception of History. This author proposes, by the way, that we may think on the cinema s political function. To investigate the relation between art work and society we use Tania Pelegrini s concept of refraction and the Pierre Sorlin s conception of representation. At last, we found on the trauma and resentment concepts, willing to comprehend how cinema represents the relation between the dictatorial past with the present. / A presente pesquisa procurou lançar luzes sobre a questão da memória e da representação da ditadura civil-militar (1964-1985) no Brasil através da análise dos filmes Pra Frente Brasil (1982) e Ação Entre Amigos (1998), que abordam esse período da história nacional. Nosso objetivo foi entender os limites e avanços das obras fílmicas enquanto portadoras de memória da ditadura civil-militar. Assim, examinamos como a ditadura civil-militar vem à cena nos filmes em questão, relacionando-os com o contexto de sua produção. Tomamos como base o pressuposto de que os filmes são portadores de significados que permitem o entendimento da relação do homem com seu tempo histórico. Para isso pautamo-nos na concepção de memória de Pilar Calveiro e, com o intuito de compreender a relação entre cinema, memória e sociedade, fundamentamo-nos na concepção de história e no referencial teórico e metodológico de Walter Benjamin, que propõe, ainda, que pensemos sobre a função política do cinema. E para pensarmos na relação entre obra de arte e sociedade lançamos mão do conceito de refração de Tânia Pelegrini e a concepção de representação de Pierre Sorlin. Por fim, nos baseamos nos conceitos de trauma e ressentimento com o intuito de compreendermos como o cinema representa a relação do passado ditatorial com o presente.

No início da década de 60, um grupo de jovens cineastas dispostos a mudar os rumos do cinema brasileiro e da própria realidade social e política de seu público despontava de forma inédita no cenário internacional, conquistando a crítica dos festivais de cinema europeus. Durante a década de 70, o grupo que ficou conhecido como Cinema Novo sofreu transformações em decorrência da política cultural do regime instaurado com o golpe de 1964. Com uma proposta de desenvolvimento industrial para o cinema brasileiro, a ditadura civil-militar criou, em 1966, o Instituto Nacional de Cinema (INC) e, em 1969, a Empresa Brasileira de Filmes (EMBRAFILME). Esta tinha como finalidade a divulgação do cinema brasileiro no exterior. Paralelamente, a atividade da censura selecionava o que o público interno deveria ver. Da mesma forma, era a censura que liberava a exibição no exterior das películas brasileiras, através da chancela “Livre para Exportação.” Dispostos a seguir com sua proposta verdadeiramente nacional de cinema brasileiro, determinados diretores do Cinema Novo decidiram-se por buscar o diálogo com o Estado. Como resultado, suas obras alcançaram êxitos internacionais não concedidos à outra ordem de produção cinematográfica. Notou-se que as obras de maior repercussão no exterior não apresentavam nenhuma proximidade com a propaganda oficial do regime empreendida no âmbito interno, como, a princípio, suscita a existência da EMBRAFILME. Ademais, mesmo os filmes sem qualquer vínculo com o Estado em sua produção passavam pelo seu crivo por meio da censura. Dessa forma, surpreende que a imagem do Brasil enquanto produtor de cinema tenha sido construída por películas aparentemente tão distantes das evidentes intenções do regime. Partindo da criação da EMBRAFILME e da atuação da censura em relação a esse conjunto de filmes, este trabalho busca investigar a relação da ditadura imposta em 1964 com a inserção internacional do cinema brasileiro até a obra de Roberto Farias Pra frente, Brasil. / At the dawn of the 60s, a group of young cineastes keen to change the way Brazilian cinema was made and also willing to change the social and political reality of their public was standing out in the international scene, gathering much attention even from European film festivals critics. During the 70s, the group known as Cinema Novo (New Cinema) had to adapt to the regime’s cultural politics established in the 1964 coup d’état. Having a proposal of industrial development to the Brazilian cinema, the military and civil dictatorship created, in 1966, the National Cinema Institute (INC) and, in 1969, the Brazilian Movie Company (EMBRAFILME). Latter, aimed to take Brazilian cinema abroad. At the same time, the censorship selected what people in Brazil should watch. In the same way, it was also the censorship that unleashed the movies abroad by the tag Livre para Exportação (Free to Export). Willing to go on with its truly national Brazilian cinema core, some New Cinema directors tried to dialogue with the government. As a result, their movies reached international achievements not conceded to other cinematographic works. It was noticed that the most successful works in the international market had nothing to do with the official propaganda of the regime widespread in Brazil, as evokes EMBRAFILME`s genesis. Furthermore, even the movies that had no bond with the State on the production had to be approved by censorship. In that sense, it stands out that the image of Brazil as a cinema producer has been built by movies away from the regimes intentions. Starting from the origination of EMBRAFILME and the action of censorship on these movies, this work aims to investigate the relationship of the 1964 imposed dictatorship with the international insertion of Brazilian cinema until the Roberto Farias’s work Pra frente, Brasil.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T13:56:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TriciaCSS.pdf: 5053980 bytes, checksum: 5a6a94bf40b1b353c55570ee851841f6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2003-12-02 / The research investigates the acting and the importance for the users of the public squares located predominantly in residential areas. It presents the results of the posoccupation evaluations accomplished in three squares, whose physical, environmental characteristics, equipments and fumitures are different in its qualities and amounts, taking in consideration aspects related to the users' physical and psychological comfort and of the inhabitants of the I spill. The collection of data involved physical risings and of files, observations behavious, application of questionnaires and interviews, analyzed qualitative as quantitatively so much for a larger precision and validity of the investigation. The results were obtained through the relationship among the users' perception the environmental attributes and the different levels of apropriation/use of the studied places. They indicate that the aspects composicionais of physical order of the space affects the type and the intensity of use of the squares intimately, contributing positive or negatively for its valor. It is evidenced like this, that the low freq?entation of the public squares of Natal, is due mainly to referring aspects to the physical quality and the amount of the fumitures and urban equipments. It is ended that the investments and the physical planning of these public spaces should be based in the real knowledge of the aspirations of the population objective, in way to allow its largest use and valor / A pesquisa investiga o desempenho e a import?ncia para os usu?rios das pra?as p?blicas localizadas em ?reas predominantemente residenciais. Apresenta os resultados das avalia??es p?s-ocupa??o realizadas em tr?s pra?as, cujas caracter?sticas f?sicas, ambientais, equipamentos e mobili?rios s?o distintos em suas qualidades e quantidades, levando em considera??o aspectos relacionados ao conforto f?sico e psicol?gico dos usu?rios e dos moradores do entorno. A coleta de dados envolveu levantamentos f?sicos e de arquivos, observa??es comportamentais, aplica??o de question?rios e entrevistas, analisados tanto qualitativa quanto quantitativamente para uma maior precis?o e validade da investiga??o. Os resultados foram obtidos atrav?s da rela??o entre a percep??o dos usu?rios os atributos ambientais e os diferentes n?veis de apropria??o/uso dos locais estudados. Eles indicam que os aspectos composicionais de ordem f?sica do espa?o afetam intimamente o tipo e a intensidade de utiliza??o das pra?as, contribuindo positiva ou negativamente para a sua valoriza??o. Evidencia-se assim, que a baixa freq?enta??o das pra?as p?blicas de Natal, se deve principalmente a aspectos referentes ? qualidade f?sica e ? quantidade dos mobili?rios e equipamentos urbanos. Conclui-se que os investimentos e o planejamento f?sico destes espa?os p?blicos devem ser embasados no conhecimento real das aspira??es da popula??o alvo, de modo a permitir sua maior utiliza??o e valoriza??o

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T13:58:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 NadjaMRS_DISSERT_Parcial.pdf: 2675393 bytes, checksum: e58e28be8422eeef8543bc8b04573d9b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-07-31 / This study deals with the discussions of contemporary interventions in public spaces in areas of heritage value. The product of this dissertation is an Intervention Project to Marechal Deodoro Square located in Teresina/PI center. The starting point for understanding the theme of this study is to investigate the accessibility and vitality of a public space - through relationship between form and uses. The spatial properties of accessibility and visibility as well as the distribution of land use - factors were associated with distinct patterns of vitality - and compared to usage patterns observed in situ and statements from users obtained through the results of the questionnaires. In attention to questions about the building constructed, particularly in historical centers, considers the guidelines to define intervention strategies in the square, consisted in the development of simulations that after evaluation of results of redesign, was chosen the best option to meet the necessary requirements to the performance, considering the spatial properties of integration and visibility that meet these requirements. Therefore, the "Intervention Project" carried out for the Marechal Deodoro Square characterization proposed items are discussed: spatial structure, vegetation, road network, pavements, street furniture and lighting / Este trabalho aborda as discuss?es acerca das interven??es contempor?neas em espa?os p?blicos situados em ?reas de valor patrimonial, sendo que o produto desta disserta??o a elabora??o de um Projeto de Interven??o para a Pra?a Marechal Deodoro, localizada no bairro Centro, em Teresina (PI), objetivo deste trabalho. O ponto de partida para o entendimento da tem?tica de estudo est? na investiga??o da acessibilidade e vitalidade de um espa?o p?blico, por meio da rela??o entre forma e usos, de modo que as propriedades espaciais de acessibilidade e visibilidade, bem como a distribui??o de uso do solo, foram considerados fatores associados a padr?es distintos de vitalidade e comparados a padr?es de uso observados in loco e a depoimentos de usu?rios obtidos atrav?s dos resultados dos question?rios aplicados e, ao final, foi elaborado um conjunto de diretrizes projetuais para interven??o no espa?o p?blico. Em aten??o ao questionamento sobre construir no constru?do, especificamente em centros hist?ricos, foram consideradas essas diretrizes para definir as estrat?gias de interven??o na pra?a objeto deste estudo, mediante o desenvolvimento de simula??es utilizando o software Depth Map, para, ap?s avalia??es dos resultados de redesenho, escolher a melhor op??o de proposta de projeto, face aos requisitos necess?rios ao desempenho, considerando as propriedades espaciais de integra??o e visibilidade que atendam a esses requisitos. Portanto, o Projeto de Interven??o realizado para a Pra?a Marechal Deodoro foi elaborado com base na estrutura??o espacial, vegeta??o, sistema vi?rio, pavimentos, mobili?rio urbano e ilumina??o

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-13T17:10:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DanielaKCpdf.pdf: 1933124 bytes, checksum: eed5063d3c2b205bb5f3c99e0c5c861f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-09-25 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / Defined as public space or space open of common use, the square is a fundamental space for the urban life. Its function depends so much of the historical context, as of its location in the city, but general way, it is associated to leisure activities. In spite of its importance, many Brazilian squares are abandoned and degraded, some are used improperly, other they never left the paper and they are wastelands, most of the time, transformed in garbage deposits. The lack of appropriate equipments in the squares or to the precariousness of the same ones, such as banks, illumination and places for the different age groups; the lack of the "nature", in other words, of green; and the maintenance lack is some of the problems observed at the squares of Natal/RN. The maintenance is essential factor for the own existence of the square, so much in relation to the physical quality of the space, as in relation to the presence, or no, of users. In that work, we studied the squares of Natal/RN and the partnership public-private as form of shared administration of the public space. Our objective is to understand as it feels that partnership in the production and maintenance of squares in Natal/RN and which the benefits for the involved parts. For so much, we rescued the production of squares historically in the city of Natal/RN; We analyzed the legislation that regularizes the adoption of squares in some Brazilian municipal districts and the Bill of Adoption of Public Squares and of Sports and Green Areas in Natal/RN; and, last we analyzed three natalenses squares that had private investment in the construction, it reforms and/or maintenance. The "partnerships" involved exchange for land, environmental and social compensations, always assisting to the private interests, and nothing was registered or documented in the competent public organs. With that dissertation we wanted to contribute for the valorization of the squares and the relevance of the construction, renewal and maintenance of those public spaces in the city of Natal/RN, as life spaces, of encounters, of leisure / Definido como espa?o p?blico ou espa?o aberto de uso comum, a pra?a ? um espa?o fundamental para a vida urbana. Sua fun??o depende tanto do contexto hist?rico, quanto da sua localiza??o na cidade, mas de maneira geral, est? associada a atividades de lazer. Apesar de sua import?ncia, muitas pra?as brasileiras encontram-se abandonadas e degradadas, algumas s?o usadas indevidamente, outras nunca sa?ram do papel e s?o terrenos baldios, na maioria das vezes, transformados em dep?sitos de lixo. A falta de equipamentos adequados nas pra?as ou ? precariedade dos mesmos, tais como bancos, ilumina??o e locais para as diferentes faixas et?rias; a falta da natureza , ou seja, de verde; e a falta de manuten??o s?o alguns dos problemas observados nas pra?as de Natal. A manuten??o ? fator essencial para a pr?pria exist?ncia da pra?a, tanto em rela??o ? qualidade f?sica do espa?o, como em rela??o ? presen?a, ou n?o, de usu?rios. Nesse trabalho, estudamos as pra?as de Natal e a parceria p?blico-privada como forma de gest?o compartilhada do espa?o p?blico. Nosso objetivo ? entender como se d? essa parceria na produ??o e manuten??o de pra?as em Natal e quais os benef?cios para as partes envolvidas. Para tanto, resgatamos historicamente a produ??o de pra?as na cidade de Natal/RN; analisamos a legisla??o que regulariza a ado??o de pra?as em alguns munic?pios brasileiros e o Projeto de Lei de Ado??o de Pra?as P?blicas e de Esportes e ?reas Verdes em Natal/RN; e, por ?ltimo analisamos tr?s pra?as natalenses que tiveram investimento privado na constru??o, reforma e/ou manuten??o. As parcerias envolveram permuta por terreno, compensa??es ambientais e sociais, sempre atendendo aos interesses privados, e nada foi registrado ou documentado nos ?rg?os p?blicos competentes. Com essa disserta??o desejamos contribuir para a valoriza??o das pra?as e a relev?ncia da constru??o, renova??o e manuten??o desses espa?os p?blicos na cidade de Natal, como espa?os de vida, de encontros, de lazer

Submitted by Automa??o e Estat?stica (sst@bczm.ufrn.br) on 2017-10-18T19:23:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LeticiaBeatrizGambettaAbella_TESE.pdf: 3445456 bytes, checksum: 7f4f50c90516e29819c85beec8325e9d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Arlan Eloi Leite Silva (eloihistoriador@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-10-18T21:52:25Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 LeticiaBeatrizGambettaAbella_TESE.pdf: 3445456 bytes, checksum: 7f4f50c90516e29819c85beec8325e9d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-18T21:52:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LeticiaBeatrizGambettaAbella_TESE.pdf: 3445456 bytes, checksum: 7f4f50c90516e29819c85beec8325e9d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-21 / As redes sociais, no marco das novas Tecnologias de Informa??o e Comunica??o (TICs), t?m se constitu?do num espa?o de express?o ao alcance de todos aqueles que t?m acesso ? internet. No Brasil, 49% dos brasileiros t?m acesso ? internet e, dentro desse n?mero, 76% acessam todos os dias. Twitter, Facebook, Instagram e v?rias outras propostas participativas e interativas despertam diversos interesses de comunica??o que incluem interc?mbios pessoais de informa??o e dados, divulga??es com prop?sitos de marketing e v?rias outras finalidades. Uma das mudan?as mais importantes em torno das possibilidades que as redes oferecem surgiu para aqueles que querem conquistar seguidores e defender uma causa. Assim, os movimentos sociais t?m encontrado nesses canais de express?o um terreno f?rtil de convocat?ria e interatividade com seus seguidores. Esta tese tem o objetivo de analisar criticamente as manifesta??es discursivas do movimento Vem pra rua nas suas redes sociais Twitter e Facebook, tomando como ponto de partida o posicionamento do grupo na sua apresenta??o no seu site oficial. O Vem pra rua nasceu como movimento social em 2014 e,de acordo com o que expressam suas pr?prias lideran?as na p?gina oficial do grupo, trata-se de ?um movimento suprapartid?rio, democr?tico e plural que surgiu da organiza??o espont?nea da sociedade civil para lutar por um Brasil melhor?. A pesquisa est? sustentada teoricamente na Abordagem Sociol?gica e Comunicacional do Discurso (ASCD), bra?o te?rico-metodol?gico da An?lise Cr?tica do Discurso (ACD) (FAIRCLOUGH, 2001, 2003), que tem, nesta investiga??o, seu eixo no di?logo transdisciplinar entre a ACD, a Comunica??o para a Mudan?a Social (CMS) (GUMUCIO-DAGRON, 2008, 2011), a Sociologia Aplicada ? Mudan?a Social, a Gram?tica da Multimodalidade (COPE; KALANTZIS, 2009) e a Lingu?stica Sist?mico-Funcional (LSF) (HALLIDAY, 2004). No caso do nosso trabalho, apoiamo-nos no Sistema da Avaliatividade da LSF como ferramenta de compreens?o dos percursos de constru??o de sentido que se materializam nos textos atuais caracterizados por constru??es multisemi?ticas. Contamos tamb?m, para consolidar a nossa an?lise cr?tica, com a Representa??o dos Atores Sociais proposta por Theo Van Leeuwen (1997; 2008), que nos leva a encontrar as marcas de inclus?o e exclus?o nas formas escolhidas pelos emissores para representar os atores no texto. Esta tese tem buscado compreender, por meio do discurso manifestado nas redes do movimento Vem pra rua, se o movimento de fato, segundo se apresenta, n?o tem interesses partid?rios, se sua articula??o tem partido da organiza??o popular espont?nea e se a mobiliza??o medi?tica responde a mecanismos democr?ticos de organiza??o. Assim, seguindo o caminho metodol?gico de abordagem transdisciplinar, constatamos que o discurso de apresenta??o no site do movimento n?o ? reflexo da constru??o identit?ria que o Vem pra rua tem feito nas suas redes sociais, particularmente no per?odo pr? vota??o do impeachment da presidenta Dilma. Conclu?mos tamb?m que as novas Tecnologias de Informa??o e Comunica??o, s?o ao mesmo tempo que ferramentas potenciais de novas vias de express?o para grupos minorit?rios, elementos de grande valia para consolidar grupos hegem?nicos com fortes interesses ideol?gicos. / Social networks, in the context of the new Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs), have become a space of expression within the reach of all those who have access to the Internet. In Brazil, 49% of Brazilians have access to the internet, and within that number, 76% access every day. Twitter, Facebook, Instagram and various other participatory and interactive proposals arouse various communication interests that include personal exchanges of information and data, marketing announcements and various other purposes.One of the most important changes around the possibilities that the networks offer has arisen for those who want to win followers and defend a cause. Thus, social movements have found in these channels of expression a fertile ground of call and interactivity with their followers. This thesis has a purpose of analyze critically the discursive manifestations of the movement Vem pra rua on his Twitter and Facebook social networks, taking as a starting point the positioning of the group in its presentation on its official website. O Vem pra rua was born as a social movement in 2014 and according to what its own leaders express in the official page of the group, it is "a suprapartidary, democratic and plural movement that arose from the spontaneous organization of the civil society to fight for a Brazil best". The research is theoretically supported by the Sociological and Communicational Approach to Discourse (ASCD), the theoretical and methodological arm of the Critical Discourse Analysis (FAIRCLOUGH, 2001, 2003), which has its axis in interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary dialogue between (CID) (GUMUCIO-DAGRON, 2008, 2011), Multimodality (VIEIRA, 2015) and Functional Systemic Linguistics (LSF) (HALLIDAY, 2004).In the case of our work, we rely on the LSF Evaluation System as a tool for understanding the pathways of meaning construction that materialize in the current texts characterized by multisemiotic constructions. We have also consolidated our critical analysis with the Representation of Social Actors proposed by Teo Van Leeuwen (1997; 1008) that leads us to find the inclusion and exclusion marks in the forms chosen by the emitters to represent the actors in the text. This thesis seeks to understand, through the discourse manifested in the networks of the movement Vem pra rua, if the movement, as presented, has no partisan interests, if its articulation is based on spontaneous popular organization and if the media mobilization responds to democratic mechanisms of organization. Thus, following the methodological approach of a transdisciplinary approach, we find that the speech of presentation on the website of the movement is not a reflection of the identity construction that Vem pra rua has done in its social networks, particularly in the period before the impeachment of President Dilma. We conclude also that the new Information and Communication Technologies are potential tools of new ways of expression for minority groups, but, at the same time they are elements of great value to consolidate hegemonic groups with strong ideological interests too.

No início da década de 60, um grupo de jovens cineastas dispostos a mudar os rumos do cinema brasileiro e da própria realidade social e política de seu público despontava de forma inédita no cenário internacional, conquistando a crítica dos festivais de cinema europeus. Durante a década de 70, o grupo que ficou conhecido como Cinema Novo sofreu transformações em decorrência da política cultural do regime instaurado com o golpe de 1964. Com uma proposta de desenvolvimento industrial para o cinema brasileiro, a ditadura civil-militar criou, em 1966, o Instituto Nacional de Cinema (INC) e, em 1969, a Empresa Brasileira de Filmes (EMBRAFILME). Esta tinha como finalidade a divulgação do cinema brasileiro no exterior. Paralelamente, a atividade da censura selecionava o que o público interno deveria ver. Da mesma forma, era a censura que liberava a exibição no exterior das películas brasileiras, através da chancela “Livre para Exportação.” Dispostos a seguir com sua proposta verdadeiramente nacional de cinema brasileiro, determinados diretores do Cinema Novo decidiram-se por buscar o diálogo com o Estado. Como resultado, suas obras alcançaram êxitos internacionais não concedidos à outra ordem de produção cinematográfica. Notou-se que as obras de maior repercussão no exterior não apresentavam nenhuma proximidade com a propaganda oficial do regime empreendida no âmbito interno, como, a princípio, suscita a existência da EMBRAFILME. Ademais, mesmo os filmes sem qualquer vínculo com o Estado em sua produção passavam pelo seu crivo por meio da censura. Dessa forma, surpreende que a imagem do Brasil enquanto produtor de cinema tenha sido construída por películas aparentemente tão distantes das evidentes intenções do regime. Partindo da criação da EMBRAFILME e da atuação da censura em relação a esse conjunto de filmes, este trabalho busca investigar a relação da ditadura imposta em 1964 com a inserção internacional do cinema brasileiro até a obra de Roberto Farias Pra frente, Brasil. / At the dawn of the 60s, a group of young cineastes keen to change the way Brazilian cinema was made and also willing to change the social and political reality of their public was standing out in the international scene, gathering much attention even from European film festivals critics. During the 70s, the group known as Cinema Novo (New Cinema) had to adapt to the regime’s cultural politics established in the 1964 coup d’état. Having a proposal of industrial development to the Brazilian cinema, the military and civil dictatorship created, in 1966, the National Cinema Institute (INC) and, in 1969, the Brazilian Movie Company (EMBRAFILME). Latter, aimed to take Brazilian cinema abroad. At the same time, the censorship selected what people in Brazil should watch. In the same way, it was also the censorship that unleashed the movies abroad by the tag Livre para Exportação (Free to Export). Willing to go on with its truly national Brazilian cinema core, some New Cinema directors tried to dialogue with the government. As a result, their movies reached international achievements not conceded to other cinematographic works. It was noticed that the most successful works in the international market had nothing to do with the official propaganda of the regime widespread in Brazil, as evokes EMBRAFILME`s genesis. Furthermore, even the movies that had no bond with the State on the production had to be approved by censorship. In that sense, it stands out that the image of Brazil as a cinema producer has been built by movies away from the regimes intentions. Starting from the origination of EMBRAFILME and the action of censorship on these movies, this work aims to investigate the relationship of the 1964 imposed dictatorship with the international insertion of Brazilian cinema until the Roberto Farias’s work Pra frente, Brasil.

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I investigated the experiences of teachers as co-researchers in a long-term partnership with university researchers in an asset-based intervention project known as STAR1. The goal of STAR is to investigate how teachers can promote resilience in scare-resource and high need schools. To inform participatory research methodology, I explored and described how coresearchers (teachers) experience power relations. I conducted the participatory reflection and action (PRA) study by using feminist standpoint theory as guiding epistemological paradigm, Gaventa’s power cube as theoretical framework and participatory research as methodological paradigm. I conveniently chose two cohorts (schools) in the STAR project to partner as the unit of analysis. I thus applied convenience sampling to select information-rich cohorts. The schoolcohorts included a primary school in the Eastern Cape Province and a secondary school in a remote area in the Mpumalanga Province. I then purposefully selected participating coresearchers (n=15: 14 females, 1 male) from the participating schools. Over a two year period, I employed multiple PRA data generation techniques (observation, four focus groups and two semi-structured interviews) and documentation procedures (field notes, research journal, visual data and verbatim transcriptions). I used thematic analysis and categorical aggregation for data analysis, with three themes emerging. In terms of the nature of power in participatory partnerships, co-researchers expressed factors which influenced power and partnership in a participatory project. For co-researchers, these factors enabled them to experience a sense of power-sharing. Regarding the role of agency in relation to power and partnerships, co-researchers indicated that agency resulted from power-sharing and partnerships they had established. The agency meant that they took action through leadership to empower others in school-communities. Co-researchers’ meaning-making of power and partnerships culminated in their construction of power in a participatory project as both a way in which their working environment enabled them to do what they wanted to do, and also as a personal space where they felt capable and had initiative to coordinate project activities. Findings of this study correlate with existing literature where (i) power is seen as the ability of actors to express and act on desires, (ii) power can be redistributed as action for inclusive benefits, (iii) partnerships imply balancing time, and (iv) partnerships evolve over time, are dynamic and involve issues of trust and confidence. In contrast to existing knowledge on power in participatory research, I found that teachers did not view power as dominance or as exclusively owned. I developed a framework of power sharing partnerships to extend Gaventa’s power cube theory. This framework, and its five interrelated elements (leadership as power, identifying vision and mission, synergy, interdependent role of partners, and determination), provide insight into the way co-researchers shared their experiences of participatory research methodology. I posit an evidence-based conceptualisation of power as leadership where community partners play influential roles as co-researchers. I theorise power sharing partnerships as a complimentary platform hosting partners’ shared strengths, skills and experience, creating synergy in collaborative projects. I argue that synergy in power sharing partnerships relies on recognition, appreciation and mutual respect inherent in interdependent roles of partners. Furthermore, the power sharing partnership framework explains how power and partnership depends on determination amongst partners which manifests as agency to drive social change. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Educational Psychology / unrestricted