Este trabalho analisa as relações de Leonel Brizola com o movimento político dos setores subalternos nacionalistas das Forças Armadas Brasileiras durante o período em que esteve no governo do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1962) até o golpe civil-militar de 1964. Procura-se identificar as estratégias utilizadas por Brizola visando obter o apoio dos setores subalternos castrenses, em especial do círculo dos sargentos, para suas ações políticas. Essas estratégias, com o objetivo de conquistar apoio para o projeto político reformista-nacionalista desse político sul-rio-grandense e articular uma resistência a um possível golpe de Estado, acirraram uma divisão latente dentro das Forças Armadas Brasileiras entre os grupos nacionalistas e os anti-nacionalistas ou entreguistas. A análise da estruturação do Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro, que apoiou a luta política dos subalternos militares, e a discussão acerca de conceitos importantes, tais como, populismo e nacionalismo, são realizadas pelo trabalho, no sentido de apontar as influências exercidas por essa organização partidária no ideário brizolista e na luta dos subalternos militares. Para além da indicação das estratégias brizolistas utilizadas no sentido de aproximar-se dos militares nacionalistas, pretende-se indicar as disputas internas ocorridas nas Forças Armadas Brasileiras nas décadas de 1950 e 1960 e suas articulações com a sociedade civil. / This research aims to analyse the relationships of Leonel Brizola with the subordinate nationalist sectors of the Brazilian Armed Forces, particularly the circle of sergeants, during the period in which government was in the State of Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1962), until the coup civil-military from 1964. Seeking to identify the strategies used by Brizola to get the support of the subordinate castrenses sectors, especially the circle of sergeants, for its political actions. These strategies, aimed at obtaining political support for the project reformist-nationalist politician that south riograndense, caused a division within the Armed Forces Brasileiras. The analysis of the structure of the Brazilian Labour Party and discussion about important concepts such as nationalism and populism, are carried out by work, in order to sharpen the ideological influence exercised by that party organization in brizolista ideology. In addition to the indication of the strategies used to brizolistas closer to the subordinate military nationalists, it is intended to indicate the internal disputes which occurred in the Brazilian Armed Forces in the decades of 1950 and 1960 and its joints with civilians and with the policy.

Este trabalho analisa o conteúdo dos jornais Zero Hora e Correio do Povo entre os anos 1975 e 1979, quando estes jornais abordaram os acontecimentos em Angola e o governo de Agostinho Neto, líder do MPLA e chefe de Estado do primeiro governo independente angolano pós independência. Procura-se identificar a metodologia, os critérios, formas de abordagem e criticamente analisar o que os jornais divulgavam aqui no rio Grande do Sul em tempos de extrema polarização na política internacional e de regime conservador militar imperando aqui no Brasil. Para isso se pretende analisar prioritariamente as relações entre a censura e o conteúdo dos periódicos, o papel das Agências Internacionais e suas notícias, os artigos próprios ou republicados por estes jornais, bem como suas colunas, enviados especiais e outras formas de divulgação. Acontecimentos como a presença cubana em Angola, as relações angolanas com os EUA, as fronteiras angolanas e seus conflitos, a guerra civil interna contra FNLA e UNITA travada pelo MPLA de Neto, as crises políticas do MPLA, as avaliações e os balanços de Zero Hora e Correio do Povo sobre o contexto angolano, bem como as situações jurídicas internas e os reconhecimentos internacionais que Angola costurou são os principais alvos do noticiário deste período e objeto de crítica deste trabalho. / This research aims to analyze the content in the newspapers Zero Hora and Correio do Povo between the years 1975 and 1979, when these newspapers approached the events in Angola during Agostinho Netos’s government, MPLA’s leader and state’s head of the first independent government in Angola after independence. It seeks to identify the methodology, criteria, forms of approach and analyzes critically the content in the newspapers in Rio Grande do Sul in times of extreme polarization in the international politics, when there was a military conservative regime dominating Brazil. The aimis to analyze primarily the relation between censorship and the content of the journals, the role of the International Agencies and their news, own articles or republished by these newspapers and their columns, specially sent journalists and other means of communication. Events like the cuban presence in Angola, the relation between Angola and the USA, the angolan borders and their conflicts, the internal civil war against FNLA and UNITA headed by MPLA and Neto’s president, the political crises of the MPLA, the reviews and the political balance in Zero Hora and Correio do Povo about the angolan context, the internal juridical situation and the international recognition achieved for Angola are the main targets in the news of this period and the critical object of this research.

Ce travail ambitionne de comprendre comment ont évolué les dispositifs qui permettent en france aux personnes de nationalité étrangère d'accéder à la prévention et aux soins en ville et à l'hôpital. nous nous demanderons comment et pourquoi sur une période longue un etat permet ou au contraire empêche l'accès d'une population majoritairement plus pauvre que la population générale, les étrangers, à un bien supérieur, la santé.l'objectif est de rendre compte du mouvement apparemment paradoxal que l'on observe depuis près d'une trentaine d'années : d'une part, des politiques migratoires de plus en plus restrictives et répressives, de l'autre, la santé devenue 'un des derniers refuges du droit' (didier fassin) pour les étrangers. cette période a été marquée par des évolutions législatives majeures, qui scanderont notre travail, notamment la mise en place de l'aide médicale d'etat et du droit au séjour pour soins en 1999. nous nous intéresserons aux acteurs étatiques, et en premier lieu, au ministère de la santé mais également à la sécurité sociale et aux associations qui ont joué un rôle double : elles ont mené un intense travail de plaidoyer pour le maintien et le perfectionnement des dispositifs d'accès aux soins et se sont vues délégués une partie de la dispense de soins auprès des populations étrangères. l'accès aux archives officielles étant limité du fait du caractère très contemporain du sujet, nous nous appuierons sur les fonds détenus par les organismes et les personnes privés ainsi que sur la constitution d'archives orales. s'il s'agit d'un travail d'histoire, nous intégrerons des données ethnographiques recueillies lors d'enquêtes de terrain. / In France, the healthcare costs of undocumented foreign nationals are covered by a specific welfare benefitcalled State Medical Aid (Aide médicale d’État). This benefit was created in 2000, as part of the law onUniversal Medical Insurance (Couverture médicale universelle) which enables French nationals andundocumented foreign nationals to benefit from the state health insurance scheme (Assurance maladie) as longas they are resident in France. This thesis explores the origins of a measure created exclusively for people whosepresence on French territory is judged illegal and the impact of the existence of this particular healthcarecoverage.The approach brings together a history of public policy and an ethnography of care settings and reception centresfor undocumented foreign nationals.Part One retraces the stages involved in opening up access to the state health insurance scheme from the mid-1980s onwards. It focuses on the way in which a distinction progressively emerged between the public healthissue of undocumented people accessing healthcare, and that of poor people accessing healthcare. The role ofhumanitarian associations, notably Doctors without Borders and Doctors of the World, who opened freehealthcare centres in France from 1986 onwards, is underscored, as are their links with movements defending therights of foreigners. These processes are located within a longer history of debates about access to welfare forthe poorest going back to the nineteenth century, and the subordination of social policy to the objectives ofcontrolling migratory flows.Part Two, based on research carried out in a hospital and in a health rights organization, analyses theconsequences of the introduction of immigration administrative categories into the healthcare system as well asthe emergence of a degraded form of social citizenship for people living illegally in France.