A proposta desta pesquisa é reconstituir os aspectos socioeconômicos e os desdobramentos políticos da rebelião de presidiários do Instituto Correcional da Ilha Anchieta (Ubatuba, SP), ocorrida no dia 20 de junho de 1952. A hipótese norteadora é de que a rebelião teve um papel decisivo na reforma das prisões em São Paulo, cujos parâmetros e objetivos foram debatidos e executados nas gestões de Lucas Nogueira Garcez (1950-1954) e Jânio Quadros (1955-1959) no Governo do Estado. Assim, a referida rebelião será considerada como estudo de caso para a compreensão do regime prisional e penitenciário em São Paulo nos anos 1950. Com base nos autos de Inquérito Policial realizado pelo DEOPS-SP (1952-1953) pretende-se elaborar um perfil socioeconômico dos presos da Ilha Anchieta, considerando: idade, estado civil, cor, naturalidade, profissão, grau de instrução, filiação, situação familiar, condições de moradia, tempo e motivo do encarceramento. Estas informações fornecerão subsídios para compreender a relação entre processos econômicos de conjuntura e as políticas de controle social, sobretudo o funcionamento da prisão. Por outro lado, ainda no contexto da Ilha, pretende-se reconstituir aspectos da organização do Instituto Correcional da Ilha Anchieta, tais como: o trabalho prisional, a administração do pecúlio, os gastos da administração pública com a manutenção e reforma do presídio pós-rebelião, a relação entre presos e funcionários, o atendimento aos pedidos de livramento condicional, os castigos e o lazer. Considerando a rebelião como um momento de ruptura do equilíbrio de poder no interior da instituição, suas causas serão buscadas nesses aspectos que estruturam o cotidiano prisional. Para compreender o lugar ocupado pela rebelião no processo de reforma das prisões em São Paulo, esta pesquisa propõe analisar a repercussão do evento na grande mídia e nas publicações especializadas, além de resgatar os atos administrativos, normativos e legais executados pelos poderes Legislativo e Executivo. / The aim of this research is to study the socioeconomic conditions and the political developments of the inmates rebellion at Anchietas Island (Ubatubta/SP), in June 20, 1952. The main hypothesis is that this rebellion played a decisive role in the reform of prisons in Sao Paulo, whose parameters and objectives were discussed and implemented during the administrations of Lucas Nogueira Garcez (1950-1954) and Jânio Quadros (1955-1959), at State Government. Thus, the mentioned rebellion will be considered as a case study to understand the prison and penitentiary regimen in São Paulo at mid-twentieth century. Based on the records of the Police Inquires directed by Delegacia Especializada em Ordem Politica e Social from São Paulo State (DEOPS-SP), it is intended to build a profile of socioeconomic conditions of that prison, concerning inmates and employees, by collecting information about: age, place of birth, schooling, family relations, housing conditions, time and reason for conviction, work conditions before condemnation, skin color, filiations and civil status. These informations will provide aids to understand the relation between economical process and social control policies. On the other hand, but still in the Anchieta s Island context, it is intended to restore some organization aspects of the Instituto Correcional da Ilha Anchieta, as: labor-therapy, the administration of the inmates peculium, the government spending with the prison before and after the rebellion, some trends of the social relations inside the prison, punishments, rewards and recreation. Considering the rebellion as a disrupting of a certain balance of power in a priso, their causes will be sought in those aspects of everyday life in a prison. To understand the place that Anchietas Island rebellion had occupied in the reform of prisons in Sao Paulo, this research proposes to restore the administrative, legal and normative acts operated by the Legislative and Executive powers and, in the meantime, analyze the repercussion in the specialized media and in the mass media.

This research focuses on the provision of intrastate security and on the question how states in the global South do or do not provide security for their citizens and do or do not protect them from physical violence. This thesis argues that while institutional conditions are an important aspect of security provision in the global South, more attention needs to be paid to policy processes. Institution building as set out in the literature about Security Sector Reform and statebuilding assumes that it is possible to provide security to all citizens of a state by building democratic state security institutions. However, this is only possible if the state is the predominant force of controlling violence. Research showed that this is rarely the case in countries of the global South. This thesis contends that statehood in the global South is contested due to power struggles between multiple state and non-state elites. It argues that the analysis of security policy processes allows for an analysis of security provision in societies where no centralised control over violence exists. It contributes to a better understanding of the shortcomings of security provision in the global South because it shows the impact of societal and state actors on security policy making. Using the case of security policy making under the first FMLN (Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional, Farabundo Martí Front for National Liberation) government in El Salvador (2009-2014), the thesis shows that, in a contested state policy making does not result from a pact between the state and society or from a social consensus as envisaged by parts of the FMLN and other forces of the New Left in Latin America. Instead, policy making results from elite pacts and elite struggles. This is illustrated in the domination of an ad hoc decision-making mode which describes short-term decisions which are insufficiently implemented and easily reversed or replaced. Thus, security provision as a policy field remains focused on elite interests and does not include the interests of the broader population.

The principal questions addressed in this portfolio of eleven publications concern the reforms to French justice at the end of the twentieth and beginning of the twenty-first centuries. The portfolio is accompanied by a supporting statement explaining the genesis and chronology of the portfolio, its originality and the nature of the submission's distinct contribution to knowledge. The thesis questions whether the reforms protect the rights of the defence adequately. It considers how the French state views its responsibility to key figures in criminal justice, be they suspected and convicted criminals, the victims of offences or the professionals who are prosecuting the offences. It reflects upon the role of the examining magistrate, the delicate relationship between justice, politics and the media, breaches of confidentiality and the catastrophic conditions in which suspects and prisoners are detained in French prisons. It then extends its scope to a case study of the prosecution of violent crimes before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, and discovers significant flaws in procedures even at international levels. In concluding, it asks whether, given the challenges facing the French criminal justice system, French courts are adequately equipped to assure justice when suspects charged with the most serious international crimes appear before them under the principle of universal jurisdiction. The research, carried out over a number of years, relies predominantly on an analysis of French-language sources and represents a unique contribution to the understanding and knowledge of French justice for an English-speaking public at the turn of the twenty-first century.

La politique de coopération au développement représente une part très importante de l'action extérieure de l'Union européenne, ne serait-ce qu'en termes budgétaires. Cette thèse s'interroge sur la manière dont les valeurs inscrites dans les traités européens (démocratie, droits de l'homme et Etat de droit) sont promues par le biais de la coopération au développement. Pour ce faire, le concept de « puissance normative » (Manners, 2002) a été mobilisé comme idéaltype afin d'analyser la façon dont l'Union conduit sa politique de coopération au développement. La politique de coopération au développement est étudiée dans sa dimension globale, à travers l'analyse des méthodes européennes, et dans sa dimension concrète, c'est-à-dire par l'étude des projets de terrain financés par l'UE dans ses pays partenaires. Le cas des projets de soutien à la réforme pénitentiaire a été choisi, afin de comprendre comment se déroule la diffusion des normes sur le terrain, dans un domaine régalien, et dans lequel l'UE ne dispose pas d'une compétence interne. En définitive, l'UE ne dispose pas d'une spécificité normative permettant de la distinguer des autres acteurs du système international en tant que puissance normative. La coopération au développement apparaît subordonnée à la politique extérieure, les préoccupations stratégiques l'emportant alors sur l'objectif de diffusion des normes. Sur le terrain, les projets financés par l'UE répondent à des considérations bureaucratiques portées par les délégations de l'UE. Plus qu'un moyen de diffusion des normes, les projets sont considérés par les agents européens comme un moyen de faire vivre la coopération, quels que soient, au final, leurs résultats. Reste alors l'espace d'échange qu'auront ouvert de tels projets, permettant aux experts étrangers et aux fonctionnaires de l'Etat bénéficiaire de confronter leurs pratiques administratives, et d'envisager, éventuellement, de nouvelles « solutions » d'action publique. / The European Union's development cooperation policy represents an important part of its external action, not least in budgetary terms. This thesis deals with the way soft norms (democracy, human rights and the rule of law) are promoted through development cooperation. The concept of « normative power » (Manners, 2002) is used as an idealtype to analyze the way the Union handles its development cooperation policy. The development cooperation policy is studied in its general dimension, through the analysis of European methods, and in its concrete dimension, i.e. through the field study of projects funded by the EU in partner countries. The case of projects supporting penitentiary reform was selected, as it allowed us to study the diffusion of norms on the ground in an area of sovereignty. Ultimately, the EU doesn't reveal much normative uniqueness compared to the other actors of international relations. The qualification of « normative power » doesn't seem appropriate for the EU as an international actor. The development cooperation policy is dependent on the external policy, and strategic concerns prevail over the diffusion of norms. On the ground, the EU delegations consider the development projects as a bureaucratic exercise, aimed at embodying the relation of cooperation, whatever the final results of the projects. Still, these projects create a forum where foreign experts and civil servants from the beneficiary state can exchange on their administrative practices and potentially imagine new public policy « solutions ».

This research focuses on the provision of intrastate security and on the question how states in the global South do or do not provide security for their citizens and do or do not protect them from physical violence. This thesis argues that while institutional conditions are an important aspect of security provision in the global South, more attention needs to be paid to policy processes. Institution building as set out in the literature about Security Sector Reform and statebuilding assumes that it is possible to provide security to all citizens of a state by building democratic state security institutions. However, this is only possible if the state is the predominant force of controlling violence. Research showed that this is rarely the case in countries of the global South. This thesis contends that statehood in the global South is contested due to power struggles between multiple state and non-state elites. It argues that the analysis of security policy processes allows for an analysis of security provision in societies where no centralised control over violence exists. It contributes to a better understanding of the shortcomings of security provision in the global South because it shows the impact of societal and state actors on security policy making. Using the case of security policy making under the first FMLN (Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional, Farabundo Martí Front for National Liberation) government in El Salvador (2009-2014), the thesis shows that, in a contested state policy making does not result from a pact between the state and society or from a social consensus as envisaged by parts of the FMLN and other forces of the New Left in Latin America. Instead, policy making results from elite pacts and elite struggles. This is illustrated in the domination of an ad hoc decision-making mode which describes short-term decisions which are insufficiently implemented and easily reversed or replaced. Thus, security provision as a policy field remains focused on elite interests and does not include the interests of the broader population.

The principal questions addressed in this portfolio of eleven publications concern the reforms to French justice at the end of the twentieth and beginning of the twenty-first centuries. The portfolio is accompanied by a supporting statement explaining the genesis and chronology of the portfolio, its originality and the nature of the submission's distinct contribution to knowledge. The thesis questions whether the reforms protect the rights of the defence adequately. It considers how the French state views its responsibility to key figures in criminal justice, be they suspected and convicted criminals, the victims of offences or the professionals who are prosecuting the offences. It reflects upon the role of the examining magistrate, the delicate relationship between justice, politics and the media, breaches of confidentiality and the catastrophic conditions in which suspects and prisoners are detained in French prisons. It then extends its scope to a case study of the prosecution of violent crimes before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, and discovers significant flaws in procedures even at international levels. In concluding, it asks whether, given the challenges facing the French criminal justice system, French courts are adequately equipped to assure justice when suspects charged with the most serious international crimes appear before them under the principle of universal jurisdiction. The research, carried out over a number of years, relies predominantly on an analysis of French-language sources and represents a unique contribution to the understanding and knowledge of French justice for an English-speaking public at the turn of the twenty-first century.

The purpose of this study was to contextualise the Swaziland correctional services environment and inmate population, analysing how best to respond to the needs of the organisation and providing strategies that can have an impact on crime and recidivism. Offenders in Swaziland are incarcerated because alternatives to imprisonment or the resources necessary to make a visible impact on the inmate population are not provided. There is also very little scientific information available on the profiles of inmates to determine who really needs to be incarcerated, who could be incarcerated for a shorter time and who could be taken care of in the community. In addition to the above, Swaziland correctional services finds itself in a predicament where it has to provide concrete evidence that it is effective and adding value to the social and economic reconstruction of the country. This implies the frequent assessment of the organisation's performance to ensure the continuous delivery of cost-effective, innovative and high quality correctional services. In an attempt to understand the breadth of the problems faced by Swaziland correctional services, this thesis sets out to assess the environment in which Swaziland correctional services operates and to suggest mechanisms which can be used to rehabilitate and reduce the inmate population in order to add value and sustain the delivery of an effective correctional service. This study would seem to be of value not only to correctional practitioners, but also to the police and judiciary in that they will have a better understanding of dilemmas faced by Swaziland correctional services. This will assist the police and judiciary to take more informed decisions with regard to effective law enforcement, detention of awaiting-trials and sentencing practices. With Swaziland and other African countries embarking on a new route in corrections, the academic world can also play a major role in enlightening reform in legislation, policies and practices. / Penology / D.Litt. et Phil. (Penology)

The purpose of this study was to contextualise the Swaziland correctional services environment and inmate population, analysing how best to respond to the needs of the organisation and providing strategies that can have an impact on crime and recidivism. Offenders in Swaziland are incarcerated because alternatives to imprisonment or the resources necessary to make a visible impact on the inmate population are not provided. There is also very little scientific information available on the profiles of inmates to determine who really needs to be incarcerated, who could be incarcerated for a shorter time and who could be taken care of in the community. In addition to the above, Swaziland correctional services finds itself in a predicament where it has to provide concrete evidence that it is effective and adding value to the social and economic reconstruction of the country. This implies the frequent assessment of the organisation's performance to ensure the continuous delivery of cost-effective, innovative and high quality correctional services. In an attempt to understand the breadth of the problems faced by Swaziland correctional services, this thesis sets out to assess the environment in which Swaziland correctional services operates and to suggest mechanisms which can be used to rehabilitate and reduce the inmate population in order to add value and sustain the delivery of an effective correctional service. This study would seem to be of value not only to correctional practitioners, but also to the police and judiciary in that they will have a better understanding of dilemmas faced by Swaziland correctional services. This will assist the police and judiciary to take more informed decisions with regard to effective law enforcement, detention of awaiting-trials and sentencing practices. With Swaziland and other African countries embarking on a new route in corrections, the academic world can also play a major role in enlightening reform in legislation, policies and practices. / Penology / D.Litt. et Phil. (Penology)

The purpose of this project is to ascertain the ways in which Orange is the New Black uses its platform to either complicate or reify narratives about the prison system, prisoners and their relationship to the state. This research uses the works of Giorgio Agamben, Colin Dayan, Michelle Alexander and Lisa Guenther to situate the ways the state uses the prison and social narratives about the prison to extend its control on certain populations beyond prison walls through police presence, parole, the war on drugs and prison fees. From that basis, this work argues that while Orange does challenge some narratives about race and sexuality, because of its reliance on “bad choices” as a humanizing trope and its reliance on certain racialized stereotypes for entertainment, the show ultimately does more to reify existing narratives that support state interests.

Cette thèse cherche d'abord à comprendre, en usant de l'exemple Haïtien, si les Réformes du Secteur de Sécurité menées à bien dans le cadre des interventions internationales dans des pays en crise ou en situation de post-conflit, sont efficaces dans l'accomplissement de leurs objectifs et apportent le meilleur soutien d'une manière durable aux Etats hôtes. Finalement, ce document est aussi une base de réflexion pour trouver de nouvelles solutions et pratiques à la mise en oeuvre de Réformes du Secteur de Sécurité. / First of all, this thesis aims at understanding, while using the example of Haiti, if Security Sector Reforms carried out within international interventions in crisis or post-conflict countries are effective at accomplishing their objectives and providing the best support for sustainable changes to host States. Finally this document's objective is also to serve as a support in finding new solutions and new practices to successfully achieve Security Sector Reforms.