Univ., Diss.--Saarbrücken, 2004. / Literaturverz. S. 199 - 212.

Entre fin 1944 et fin 1948, près d’un million de prisonniers de guerre allemands a été détenu en France métropolitaine par les nouvelles autorités. Figure honnie de l’occupation allemande et de la défaite nazie, ces soldats de Hitler désormais vaincus deviennent un enjeu majeur de la sortie de guerre, ou plutôt des sorties de guerre, tant les temporalités et les modalités diffèrent, parfois divergent selon les nombreux acteurs. Les autorités du GPRF sont tout de suite confrontées à un gigantesque défi logistique : prendre en charge une masse de prisonniers, alors que la France de la Libération peine à subvenir aux besoins de sa propre population. Or ces prisonniers sont avant tout réclamés et gardés comme une main-d’œuvre pour la reconstruction de la France. De militaire, la captivité allemande en mains françaises devient économique et pose avec urgence le problème de l’entretien de cette force de travail. La sortie hors du camp offre certes des solutions, mais diffuse progressivement la gestion à l’ensemble de la société : employeurs, maires, mais aussi populations locales et opinions publiques entrent en contact avec cette nouvelle présence allemande. Et la « question PGA » de devenir une affaire de politique intérieure qui fait rejouer la diversité discordante des vécus de guerre : où se situe la limite entre le traitement économiquement rentable mais politiquement peu patriotique ? Qui doit être prioritaire dans l’affectation de la main-d’œuvre prisonnière ? Le travail de celle-là doit-il revenir à l’employeur ou bénéficier à l’ensemble de la nation ? Les réponses engagent une certaine idée de la Reconstruction. Cette question du traitement des PGA dépasse le cadre national pour devenir un enjeu des relations franco-américaines de l’après-guerre et de facto de la politique allemande des deux alliés au statut si inégal : 70% des prisonniers gérés par les Français ont été cédés par les Américains qui entendent conserver leur responsabilité de puissance détentrice. Avec la fin du conflit, puis le début de la guerre froide, qui bouleverse les priorités américaines, la gestion des PGA à l’échelle internationale permet d’observer comme le bilatéralisme transatlantique est progressivement intégré dans le cadre européen qui lui impose son calendrier. Comment les Français entendent-ils ainsi répondre aux demandes de libération à partir de 1946 sans contrarier le plan Monnet ? / Between the end of 1944 and the end of 1948, almost one million German prisoners of war were detained in metropolitan France by the new authorities. As hated figures of the German occupation and the Nazi defeat, Hitler’s soldiers, henceforth vanquished, became a main issue of how to get out of the war, which involved a large number of actors. The authorities of the provisional government of the French republic were immediately confronted with a huge logistical challenge: to take care of a mass of prisoners, whereas France at the time of Liberation already had some difficulties to provide for its own population. Whereas German prisoners had been claimed and kept above all as labor to rebuild France. From being military in nature, the German captivity in French hands became an economic phenomenon and posed the question of the maintenance of this labor force. Removing the prisoners from camps presented some solutions, but spread progressively the management to the whole society: employers, mayors, but also local populations and public opinions who came in contact with this new German presence. The “German POWs question” became an issue of domestic policy, which made the conflicting diversity of war experiences resonate: Where is the line between the economically profitable treatment, but politically not so patriotic? Who must have priority in the allocation of POW labor? Must the work of this latter be due to the employer or to benefit the whole nation? Answers to these problems defined a certain idea of the reconstruction. This question of the treatment of POWs exceeds the national framework to become an issue of the Franco-American relationships in the after-war period and, de facto, of German policy - decided by two allies with such unequal status: 70% of the prisoners managed by the French had been transferred by the Americans who wanted to keep the responsibility as the detaining power. With the end of the conflict, then the beginning of the Cold War, which changed American priorities, the management of the German POWs at the international scale gives the opportunity to observe how the transatlantic bilateralism was progressively integrated into the European framework which set its own agenda. How could the French authorities meet the claims for liberation from 1946 without thwarting the Monnet plan?

A la rupture de la paix d’Amiens, le Premier Consul retient en otage les Britanniques présents sur le sol de la France en réponse au gouvernement britannique qui détient aussi des Français. Mais la raison est avant tout économique. Les Anglais sont séparés des autres prisonniers de guerre et ne servent que dans les domaines où ils excellent comme les filatures. Leur dénombrement s’avère difficile, à cause de documents incomplets ou de mutations trop fréquentes. Les dépôts, au nombre de quatre en 1803, passent à douze en 1810, puis à quinze à de la fin des hostilités.La vie en société s’organise et les prisonniers ont tendance à recréer la vie « à l’anglaise » particulièrement festive dans divers dépôts. Mais les jeux d’argent sèment la discorde et entraînent les duels et les dettes. Les évasions nombreuses provoquent la colère du Ministère de la guerre. Les échanges sont rares et blessés et invalides font l’objet de tractations pour les échanges.La santé reste un problème majeur, la qualité de la nourriture est douteuse. La mortalité est importante.Hormis les mariages et les naissances, ils ont laissé peu de choses puisqu’ils n’ont rien bâti mais demeure le souvenir. / After the breaking off of the Peace of Amiens, the Premier Consul keeps the British who were present on the French ground as hostages as a reply to the British Government who keeps also French prisoners. But the true reason is more economical. The British prisoners are treated differently from prisoners of war and are only used in what is useful, such as spinning factories.Having a precise census of the British population in the depots was difficult: the documents are incomplete and the transfers from depot to depot too often. There were four depots at the beginning but it went to twelve in 1810 and 15 by the end of the war.Social life is organized and the prisoners tend to recreate the “British way of life” with much rejoicing in the various depots. But money games bring quarrels and debts. Escapes arises hunger in the French War Ministry. Exchanges are seldom and wounded and disabled men are part of these exchanges. Health remains a major problem and food is of poor quality. Death rate is severe. Except weddings and births, they have not left anything as they did not build but remembrance is still there.

The United States of America has in its custody several hundred Taliban and Al Qaeda combatants who were captured after the September 11, 2001 attack and during the war in Afghanistan. These prisoners are incarcerated at the Guantanamo naval base in Cuba. The treatment given to these detainees has elicited widespread criticism, as well as unprecedented intellectual and legal debates regarding prisoners of war. In order to fully understand the position of the Guantanamo Bay detainees, one has to be aware of the origins of the prisoner-of-war phenomenon. From biblical times, through the countless conflicts that were waged across the globe through the ages, the concept of “prisoner of war” gradually evolved. Growing concern for the plight of prisoners of war was paralleled by the development of the laws of war, which sought to regulate the conduct of combatants during an armed conflict. The laws of war that have bearing on modern day States are those documented in the Geneva Conventions. The Geneva Conventions regulate armed conflicts and set out the requirements for prisoners of war, as well as their trial rights. The United States, in declaring the Guantanamo Bay detainees “unlawful combatants” or “illegal enemy combatants”, terms which are undefined in International Law, have sought to evade the prescripts of the Geneva Conventions. In direct contravention of the Geneva Conventions, the Guantanamo Bay detainees are denied the right to humane treatment, a fair trial and due process of the law. Prior to Hamdan vs Rumsfeld, the United States’ position was challenged with very little success. The Supreme Court, in Hamdan vs Rumsfeld, directed the president to accord the detainees the protections of the Third Geneva Convention. The relief brought by this decision was very short lived. In September 2006 the United States Congress passed the Military Commissions Act of 2006. This Bill gives the president of the United States unfettered power in dealing with anyone suspected of being a threat to the State, as well as the authorisation to interpret and apply the Geneva Conventions according to his sole discretion.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis narrates and analyses the experiences of a sample of South Africans who were captured during the Second World War. The research is based on oral testimony, memoirs, archival evidence and to a lesser degree on secondary sources. The former prisoners-of-war (POW) who participated in the research and those whose memoirs were studied were all captured at the Battle of Sidi Rezegh in November 1941 or during the fall of Tobruk in June 1942. The aim of the research is to present oral and written POW testimony in order to augment the dearth of knowledge regarding South African POW historical experience. The scope of the research includes the decision to volunteer for the Union Defence Force, the experiences in North Africa, capture and initial experiences in the so-called ‘hell camps of North Africa’, the transportation to Italy and life in the Italian prison camps, events surrounding the Italian Armistice and the consequent escape attempts thereafter. For those POWs who did not escape, the experience of captivity continued with transport to Germany, experiences in German camps, including working in labour camps and the Allied bombing campaign. Lastly, the end of the war and the experience of liberation, which in most cases included forced marches, are dealt with before the focus turns once again towards South Africa and the experience of homecoming and demobilisation. The affective and intellectual experiences of the POWs are also investigated as their personal experience and emotions are presented and examined. These include the experience of guilt and shame during capture, the acceptance or non-acceptance of captivity, blame, attitudes towards the enemy and towards each other, as well as the experience of fear and hope, which was especially relevant during the bombing campaign and during periods when they were being transported between countries and camps. The thesis concludes with an analysis of the POW experience which looks at aspects relating to identity among South African POWs. The final conclusion is drawn that the POW identity took precedence over national identity. As a result of the strong POW identity and their desire for complete freedom and desire to claim individuality, the POWs did not, on the whole, display great interest in becoming involved in South African politics after the war even though many of them strongly disagreed with the Nationalist segregationist ideologies that claimed increasing support between 1945 and 1948. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis beskryf en ontleed die ervarings van dié Suid-Afrikaners wat tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog gevange geneem is. Die navorsing is gebaseer op mondelinge getuienis, memoires, argivale bewysmateriaal en, in ’n mindere mate, op sekondêre bronne. Die voormalige krygsgevangenes wat aan die navorsing deelgeneem het en wie se memoires bestudeer is, is almal in November 1941 by die Geveg van Sidi Rezegh of in Junie 1942 met die val van Tobruk gevange geneem. Die doel van die navorsing is om mondelinge en skriftelike getuienisse van krygsgevangenes aan te bied ten einde die gebrekkige kennis ten opsigte van Suid-Afrikaanse krygsgevangenes se historiese ervaring uit te brei. Die omvang van die navorsing sluit die besluit in om vrywillig diens te doen vir die Unie-verdedigingsmag, die ervarings in Noord-Afrika, gevangeneming en eerste ervarings in die sogenaamde “helkampe van Noord-Afrika”, die vervoer na Italië en lewe in die Italiaanse gevangeniskampe, gebeure rondom die Italiaanse wapenstilstand en die daaropvolgende ontsnappingspogings. Vir die krygsgevangenes wat nie ontsnap het nie, het die ervaring van gevangenskap voortgeduur deur vervoer na Duitsland, ervarings in Duitse kampe, waaronder strafkampe, en die bombarderings deur die Geallieerdes. Ten slotte word aandag gegee aan die einde van die oorlog en die ervaring van vryheid, wat in die meeste gevalle gedwonge marse behels het, voordat die fokus terugkeer na Suid-Afrika en die ervaring van tuiskoms en demobilisasie. Die affektiewe en intellektuele ervarings van die krygsgevangenes word ook ontleed, aangesien hul persoonlike ervarings en emosies ondersoek en aangebied word. Dit sluit die ervaring van skuld en skaamte tydens die gevangeneming in, die aanvaarding of nie-aanvaarding van gevangeskap, blaam, houdings teenoor die vyand en mekaar, sowel as die ervaring van vrees en hoop, wat veral belangrik was gedurende die bombarderingsveldtog en vervoer tussen lande en kampe. Die tesis sluit af met ’n ontleding van aspekte wat verband hou met identiteit onder die Suid- Afrikaanse krygsgevangenes. Die bevinding is dat die krygsgevangene-identiteit voorrang geniet het bo die nasionale identiteit. Verder het die sterk drang na volkome vryheid en die begeerte om hul individualiteit terug te kry daartoe gelei dat die voormalige krygsgevangenes na die oorlog oor die algemeen ’n ambivalensie jeens Suid-Afrikaanse politiek openbaar.

As a part of the Texas National Guard, the Second Battalion of the 131st Field Artillery went on active duty as World War Two errupted and eventually became trapped in Java by Japanese forces. It became known as the Lost Battalion after its surrender because it lost all communication with the Allies for over three years. The Japanese forced these Americans to work in Burma on a railroad construction project connecting Burma to Thailand. After the railroad's completion in 1944, the Lost Battalion remained in various prisoner-of-war camps until liberation came in August, 1945. Research sources consulted include the prisoner-of-war project of the North Texas State University Oral History Collection, published memoirs of former captives, pertinent United States government documents, and contemporary newspapers. Secondary materials investigated embrace books and periodicals.

No description available.

This dissertation examines the trial of Japanese war crimes conducted by Australia between 1945 and 1951; although the study commences in 1943, when the Government first focussed on the issue, and ends in 1961, when the issue was closed. Beyond providing an overview of the trials the thesis addresses the major criticism of the trials by looking at whether the trails were fair and if they fulfilled Australian aims. This is addressed within the context of the two elements of international law, the political, and the legal, and examined in each of the three sections. The Policy section establishes the political context of the trials by examining the influence of the international community and the Australian Government. Both influenced structure and progress rather than the final application of the law. When Australian attitudes were incongruous with international views, a perception that Australia was harsh and repressive developed even though justice was an important part of the Government???s agenda. A study of legal aspects of the trials commences in the Procedures section. Australia???s legislation and regulations are explained with particular emphasis on the more controversial aspects, and a comparison is made with the war crimes instruments of other Allies trying the Japanese showing many similarities between the regulations used by other nations and Australia???s. Procedures also discusses the framework for the Australian trials, the procedures used to bring a case to trial, the process used in court, the review process and the carrying out of sentences. Such a thorough study of the procedural basis is necessary to evaluate the individual trials. Practical examples of some of the procedural problems are also discussed in the following section ??? Practice. This section reviews a number of trials and the various types of crimes and the claims made in defence to show how Australia applied and interpreted the law. The study finds many similarities between Australia???s application of the law and the practice of other nations, indicating that Australian courts were applying what was considered to be customary expectations of behaviour. Throughout the trials there was little evidence of vindictiveness or revenge, either by Government or in the courts. Both were faced with significant problems, which were not always dealt with well but overall the trials were fair and those involved were concerned that justice should not only be seen to be done, but actually be done.

This dissertation examines the trial of Japanese war crimes conducted by Australia between 1945 and 1951; although the study commences in 1943, when the Government first focussed on the issue, and ends in 1961, when the issue was closed. Beyond providing an overview of the trials the thesis addresses the major criticism of the trials by looking at whether the trails were fair and if they fulfilled Australian aims. This is addressed within the context of the two elements of international law, the political, and the legal, and examined in each of the three sections. The Policy section establishes the political context of the trials by examining the influence of the international community and the Australian Government. Both influenced structure and progress rather than the final application of the law. When Australian attitudes were incongruous with international views, a perception that Australia was harsh and repressive developed even though justice was an important part of the Government???s agenda. A study of legal aspects of the trials commences in the Procedures section. Australia???s legislation and regulations are explained with particular emphasis on the more controversial aspects, and a comparison is made with the war crimes instruments of other Allies trying the Japanese showing many similarities between the regulations used by other nations and Australia???s. Procedures also discusses the framework for the Australian trials, the procedures used to bring a case to trial, the process used in court, the review process and the carrying out of sentences. Such a thorough study of the procedural basis is necessary to evaluate the individual trials. Practical examples of some of the procedural problems are also discussed in the following section ??? Practice. This section reviews a number of trials and the various types of crimes and the claims made in defence to show how Australia applied and interpreted the law. The study finds many similarities between Australia???s application of the law and the practice of other nations, indicating that Australian courts were applying what was considered to be customary expectations of behaviour. Throughout the trials there was little evidence of vindictiveness or revenge, either by Government or in the courts. Both were faced with significant problems, which were not always dealt with well but overall the trials were fair and those involved were concerned that justice should not only be seen to be done, but actually be done.

Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006. / Abstract: This study analyses the reporting of the Iraqi prisoner abuse issue at Abu Ghraib as reported upon by two South African newspapers from an ethical point of view. The focus falls on the issue of accuracy. Accuracy in war reporting of geographically distant conflicts as exemplified with this case study is a delicate and important matter, the media often being the only window for the public to learn of and about a conflict. In this case study, the two South African newspapers Cape Times and Mail&Guardian will be analysed to show the extent of their adherence to codes of conduct and exemplify the problematic practicalities in ethical reporting on international news. With the main focus of the study being on the ethical issues concerning accuracy, other relevant topics, such as ‘objectivity’, balance, fairness and truth telling, as well as more practical concerns will also be partially considered. The selected case studies are contextualized within the South African media environment so as to yield a better insight into the choices made on an editorial and/or newsroom level. As case studies, selected articles from the Cape Times and the Mail&Guardian during a three-month time-span are analysed using Day’s Situation/Analysis/Decision (SAD) model. Each article will further be analysed from the point of view of the newspaper’s own code of conduct and overarching ethical codes such as the South African Press Ombudsman’s Code of Conduct as well as in terms of the South African laws relevant to the media industry.