Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1973. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--West Virginia University, 2010. / Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains vii, 147 p. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 145-147).

Taiwan’s February 28 Incident happened in 1947 as a set of popular protests against the postwar policies of the Nationalist Party, and it then sparked militant actions and political struggles of Taiwanese but ended with military suppression and political persecution by the Nanjing government. The Nationalist Party first defined the Incident as a rebellion by pro-Japanese forces and communist saboteurs. As the enemy of the Nationalist Party in China’s Civil War (1946-1949), the Chinese Communist Party initially interpreted the Incident as a Taiwanese fight for political autonomy in the party’s wartime propaganda, and then reinterpreted the event as an anti-Nationalist uprising under its own leadership. After the rapprochement of Mao’s China with the United States in the 1970s, both parties successively started economic or political reform and revised their respective policies toward the February 28 Incident. Moreover, the Democratic Progressive Party rose as a pro-independence force in Taiwan in the mid-1980s, and its stress on the Taiwanese pursuit of autonomy in the Incident coincided with the initial interpretation of the Chinese Communist Party. These partisan views and their related policy changes deeply influenced historical research on the Incident. This study re-examines both the history and the historical accuracy of these partisan discourses and the relevant scholarship on the Incident, and further proposes to understand this historic event in the long-term context of Taiwanese resistance and political struggles. / Graduate

The Czech Constitutional Progressive Party (1908-1918) The Czech Constitutional Progressive Party represents in many aspects a unique phenomenon of the Czech politics in the last years before the outbreak of WWI and during the dramatic war period afterwards. Although it did not belong to massive and influential parties, it played a significant role on the political scene at that time with a part of a solitary, represented by many distinctive individualities. It existed for only ten years, six years out of it in standard peace conditions, but in a time of breaking historical events and decisions it made itself be heard in such an important way that it left a remarkable trace in the Czech history of the 20th century. It was created in April 1908 by merging two parties, a Radical Progressive Party and a Constitutional Party (or rather a Radical Constitutional Party) that had been established at the very end of the 19th century following a disintegration and a political differentiation of the progressive movement of the 90's. The party took up a progressive legacy by consistently demanding a renewal of the independent Czech state on the basis of the Czech historical constitutional law, political democratisation and welfare reforms. Besides that, the party stood in a firm opposition to the government...

This thesis examines the role and impact of Taiwan’s Democratic Progressive Party upon the constitutional reforms of 1991 to 2005 with a view to asking to what extent these reforms either strengthened or weakened the Taiwanese sovereignty the party aspired to establish and consolidate within a wholly Taiwanese national polity. The party’s ability to influence the course of reforms are placed in the broader context of ROC constitutional history and foreign influence upon the status of Taiwan. The research focuses on the party’s linking of the ROC constitution and question of Taiwanese sovereignty, and the negotiated choices it made both during the period of democratisation in Taiwan and when it was in power. This thesis will argue that the need to enact significant institutional change and meet electoral goals whilst lacking a clear legislative majority largely constrained the DPP's ability to achieve substantive rather than symbolic reform. The ROC constitution remains in force and, though amended, it signifies to the world that Taiwan is officially a Chinese nation whose sovereignty belongs to the ROC state. Yet, in practice, Taiwanese also exercise a popular and practical national democratic sovereignty and a clear de facto independence of national self-determination. That the KMT and DPP both used the reform of the apparatus of the ROC state to advance the building of their respective visions of what nation Taiwan would be, has led to the question of Taiwan’s sovereignty ultimately remaining unresolved and her independence insecure. The DPP's role in the constitutional reform process was a major contributor to this outcome. / This thesis examines the role and impact of Taiwan’s Democratic Progressive Party upon the constitutional reforms of 1991 to 2005 with a view to asking to what extent these reforms either strengthened or weakened the Taiwanese sovereignty the party aspired to establish and consolidate within a wholly Taiwanese national polity. The party’s ability to influence the course of reforms are placed in the broader context of ROC constitutional history and foreign influence upon the status of Taiwan. The research focuses on the party’s linking of the ROC constitution and question of Taiwanese sovereignty, and the negotiated choices it made both during the period of democratisation in Taiwan and when it was in power. This thesis will argue that the need to enact significant institutional change and meet electoral goals whilst lacking a clear legislative majority largely constrained the DPP's ability to achieve substantive rather than symbolic reform. The ROC constitution remains in force and, though amended, it signifies to the world that Taiwan is officially a Chinese nation whose sovereignty belongs to the ROC state. Yet, in practice, Taiwanese also exercise a popular and practical national democratic sovereignty and a clear de facto independence of national self-determination. That the KMT and DPP both used the reform of the apparatus of the ROC state to advance the building of their respective visions of what nation Taiwan would be, has led to the question of Taiwan’s sovereignty ultimately remaining unresolved and her independence insecure. The DPP's role in the constitutional reform process was a major contributor to this outcome.

This thesis is dedicated to the rupture between Henry A. Wallace and Truman's administration during the forties of the twentieth century, that is mainly to the Wallace's disagreement with the Democratic Party regarding U. S.-Soviet relations. Disapproval of the former Roosevelt's vicepresident with the official standing of the American foreign policy ultimately lead to his presidency candidacy in 1948 and to the creation of protest Progressive Party, which was supposed to shield this candidacy. The purpose of the thesis was to ascertain to what degree these events had been formed by the commencing Cold War and on the contrary which role was played by Wallace and his followers. In the thesis, I analyzed Wallace's shift in opinion towards Soviet Union, determinants of his viewpoint and direct causes of his leave from Democratic Party. I devoted to the circumstances leading to creation of the Progressive Party, its structure and the role of communists in this process. The core theme is presidential campaign in 1948 and analysis of the reasons behind Wallace's defeat; one chapter is devoted to the reflection of this campaign in the forming Eastern Bloc, including its propaganda employment in the communist media press. Additionally, following evolvement of Progressive Party and the reasons of the Wallace's...

In America, the advent of industrial capitalism promised an era of prosperity and progress. For some, however, it had marked a period of hazardous life at home and at work, and social dislocation. Dissenters to this economic arrangement found themselves in opposition to an array of forcessocial, political, economic and intellectual-which buttressed the industrial capitalist order. Their responses in words and in action would substantiate and characterize American social politics. The rise of social politics is a trans-Atlantic phenomenon: a product of the vibrant intellectual exchange of progressive thought during the Progressive era. It sought to restructure the prevailing arrangements of the American political framework to account for social concerns associated with industrial capitalism. During the early twentieth century, a choice was made by many progressives to translate social politics into an explicitly partisan vehicle. The Progressive Party, which emerged in 1912, would be organized and employed by progressives to give a partisan home and a national platform to social politics. The party's role and impact in the progressive movement can be better understood by analyzing and examining how the Progressives acted on the principles of social politics.

本研究的目的在於使用心理學與政治學當中，與組織變革相關的理論與實務研究，來探索在政黨歷經組織變革的過程．研究對象為國內第一大反對黨─民進黨． 本研究選擇了與心理學中有關的變項：次團體之間的互動，即民進黨中派系的互動；組織變革中領導者的角色；另外則是華人社會中受儒家思想影響極大的關係主義．由於派系之間的互動不論是在心理學或是政治學中的研究，都極為匱乏，對於民進黨的派系現象更是缺乏系統性的探討，因此本論文嘗試從質的研究著手，以派系互動為主要的變項，領導行為與關係主義為干涉變項，探索這些因素對於民進黨在組織變革過程中的影響．綜合以上，研究者提出兩個問題：第一，中國人是以情感為分類基礎，和研究對象主要以派系為分類基礎，其中的機制有何不同．第二，民進黨的黨主席屬於某一個派系，造成和部屬的互動對組織變革的影響，並探討五倫關係在此所扮演的角色為何． 使用方法以文件研究與半結構式的訪談為主，輔以研究者的參與觀察．經過半年的研究期間，得到的研究結果可分為五個方面：1.派系形成的原因與分析當中的結構因素；2.探索派系之間互動之前，先交代各別派系的基本特質，如成立的背景、結合的機制、組織的特色、代表人物等等；3.派系互動則以資源分配為例來討論；4.派系互動對組織變革的影響，根據Burke-Litwin的組織績效與變革模式當中的各因素，探討在民進黨的組織變革當中的調整或改變，並討論兩大干涉變項的影響；5.使用組織心理學對組織變革的研究回顧民進黨． 研究結論認為，每一個派系都有其組織的文化，而華人社會使用許久的五倫關係在當中必然有其影響，只是有程度上與優先順序上的不同．而這些不同也造成了在成員的屬性、私人關係的頻率、派系衝突解決方式、派系的約束力與對代表人的認同上的差異，這些派系差異所形成的競爭與合作，在仍處於反對黨的前提之下，原則上仍會以黨的整體利益為最優先的考量． 即使黨主席做為民進黨的領導者，也不能違反黨的最高精神──程序正義與公開透明．在這樣的原則之下，五倫關係就會適時地發揮其潤滑作用；反之，若黨主席以五倫關係作為決策的第一考量，則受到黨內各派系抵制的機會將會增加．由於在制度上刻意弱化黨主席權限，因此以黨主席為主的內外團體現象並不明顯．

在2014年3月的太陽花學運裡，參與的學生在此次扮演主要的角色。也因為如此，各領域響起許多質疑的聲浪，認為此運動只匯集了較邊緣的社會思想，尤其是極端反中的論點。這使得太陽花學運帶著不透明性，真正發起和參與的學生動機變得難以捉摸。此論文採用各方觀點加以探討，並分類大學生參與之背後的真正原由。研究首先細化就讀大學之參與者的動機，參考其投入程度，加以比較各種參加的原因；次而探討其學歷背景是否因而對其造成影響。本研究運用這兩項方法比對，釐清參與學生之背景、動機、成果的交互影響之關係。 / During the Sunflower Movement of March 2014, it was the university students that played a prominent role. Because of this, several misconceptions about the Sunflower Movement arose. Among them was that it only appealed to a small radical fringe of society, especially those with strong anti-Chinese sentiments. This cast a shadow on the movement as a whole, and the true motivations why students became involved was unclear. This paper takes a multi-dimensional approach to specifying the reasons behind why students participated. First, it breaks down the various motivations students had and compares this with how invested they became in the movement. Secondly, it takes into account students’ backgrounds to see whether or not this affected their motivations. Using this approach, we can see a relation between one’s background, motivations, and their eventual outcome in protest.

The party system of Iceland was always well-known for its strong stability and moderate nature typical for its whole modern development. But since the 1999 parliamentary election the Icelandic party system has been going through several changes and it is not appropriate to consider it nowadays as a traditionally stable party system with, in the long term, the dominant Independence Party. The party system is splitting off and the new parties are found out. Although after the 2013 election the system returned to the pre-2009 model, there is still an important question whether it reflects repeated stabilization of the Iceland political and party system, or it is only a reaction to the left-wing government in the years of 2009 to 2013. The aim of this thesis is to answer the following questions: is the Icelandic party system going through some changes of its structure or inter-party competition, and if so, is this transformation caused by the financial and bank crisis in 2008, or does it concern long- term transformations? Did the electoral shock in 2009 result from the reaction of the Icelandic voters to the financial crisis, or the election results were only another validation of the long- term Icelandic party system trend, namely by erosion of its traditional adjustment? In the analysis of the...