Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-01-11T15:45:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Julio Trevisam Braga.pdf: 882470 bytes, checksum: 3c2c5055c2743556aa6b0558a2c7364f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-11T15:45:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Julio Trevisam Braga.pdf: 882470 bytes, checksum: 3c2c5055c2743556aa6b0558a2c7364f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-15 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / Amid the current repercussion around world of protests raised in criticism to a progressive loss of State autonomy in face of the regulation of profit by financial speculation, among the social movements of the present day it’s perceived the reappropriation of principles such as autonomy, horizontality, independence and solidarity. At the same time, it was highlighted among this movements the approach of action methodologies based on the instrumentalization of cyberculture. This context gives us the opportunity to reopen the debate about the historian’s treatment of the problematics of a history of the present time. On that intent, what discursive and instrumental elements are arranged between movements such Occupy Wall Street and the NYC General Assembly, in the USA, Democracia Real YA! platform, in Spain, Movimento Passe Livre – SP and the ANEL and Juntos! collectivies, which can confirm the proposal for a new model of political participation, linked to the perception of a demand for another city and another democracy? Finally, what’s the intensity evidenced in the respective protests about the interaction of urban space occupation and the use of digital networks? For the analyses, we exclusively investigate the blogs of each movement. Our considerations pointed out that, among them, these principles present different tonalities of familiarization, affirming, therefore, different practices of action and specific conceptions around the model of political participation idealized by each movement / Em meio à atual repercussão de protestos pelo mundo levantados em crítica à uma progressiva perda de autonomia do Estado frente à regulação do lucro pela especulação financeira, entre os movimentos sociais da atualidade é percebida a reapropriação de princípios como a autonomia, a horizontalidade, a independência e a solidariedade. Ao mesmo tempo, destacou-se entre os movimentos a aproximação de metodologias de ação baseadas na instrumentalização da cibercultura. Este contexto nos dá o ensejo para reabrir o debate em torno do trato do historiador com as problemáticas de uma história do tempo presente. Com esse intuito, que elementos discursivos e instrumentais estão dispostos entre movimentos como o Occupy Wall Street e o NYC General Assembly, nos EUA, a plataforma Democracia Real YA!, na Espanha, o Movimento Passe Livre – SP e os coletivos ANEL e Juntos!, no Brasil, os quais possam confirmar a proposta de um novo modelo de participação política, vinculada à percepção da demanda por uma outra cidade e outra democracia? Por fim, qual a intensidade evidenciada nos protestos respectivos sobre a interação da ocupação do espaço urbano e o uso das redes digitais? Para a análise, investigamos exclusivamente os blogs de cada movimento. Nossas considerações apontaram que, entre eles, estes princípios apresentam tonalidades diferentes de familiarização, afirmando, portanto, distintas práticas de ação e concepções específicas em torno do modelo de participação política idealizado por cada movimento

Orientador: Claúdio Bertolli Filho / Resumo: Defende-se a tese de que o documentário se instaura como uma mídia alternativa que dá voz a diferentes atores sociais e constrói espaços de visibilidade e aprofundamento de causas, demandas e problemáticas do contemporâneo que são evidenciadas através dessa representação simbólica. Nessa instância de luta por poder, como se constroem identidades de resistências por meio da narrativa documental audiovisual? São analisadas as representações sociais nos documentários "Lute como uma menina" (2016), "Espero tua (re)volta" (2019) e "Acabou A Paz, Isto Aqui Vai Virar o Chile!" (2016), que ilustram as ocupações secundaristas contra a proposta de reforma do ensino paulista em 2015. Tais levantes possuem como características elementos de uma cultura de protesto semelhantes aos eventos de Junho de 2013 e característicos das insatisfações da sociedade em rede. Metologicamente se recorre à pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, à netnografia e análise fílmica, entrevista em profundidade e análise da percepções de tais obras junto à opinião pública. / Abstract: It defends the thesis that the documentary establishes itself as an alternative media that gives voice to different social actors and builds spaces of visibility and deepening of the causes, demands and problems of the contemporary that are evidenced through this symbolic representation. In this instance of struggle for power, how are identities of resistances constructed through the audiovisual documentary narrative? Social representations are analyzed in the documentaries Lute como uma menina (2016), You turn (2019) and Acabou A Paz, Isto Aqui Vai Virar o Chile! (2016), which illustrate the secondary occupations against the proposed reform of São Paulo education in 2015. Such uprisings have elements of a protest culture similar to the events of June 2013 and characteristic of the dissatisfaction of the network society. Methodologically, bibliographic and documentary research, netnography and film analysis, in-depth interview and analysis of the perceptions of such works with public opinion are used. / Doutor

1990 wurden linksradikale Akteure aus West- und Ostdeutschland Teil des gleichen Staates und somit gleichsam Teil eines selben Ganzen: der deutschen radikalen Linken. Die große Vielfalt der ideologischen Strömungen in einer höchst heterogenen Szene wie der radikalen Linken machte die Entstehung einer gemeinsamen kollektiven Identität ohnehin schwierig. Die vorliegende Arbeit versucht herauszufinden, wie Akteure aus Ost und West, die sich selbst als „linksradikal“ bezeichneten, im Laufe der 1990er Jahre versucht haben, sich in der neuen, de facto gemeinsamen politischen Szene selbst und gegenseitig zu verorten. Wie wurden die neuen Verhältnisse nach dem Zusammenbruch des Realsozialismus und somit dem Wegfall vieler Bezugsrahmen und Paradigmen des Kalten Krieges neu definiert? Wie sah die deutsche radikale Linke ihre Rolle in diesem neuen Kontext? Gab es spezifische ost- bzw. westdeutsche Antworten auf die neue Situation? Nicht zuletzt wird gefragt, ob ost- und westdeutsche Akteure gemeinsame Kampfinhalte entwickeln konnten. Die Nationsfrage wird in der vorliegenden Studie unter zwei Aspekten verhandelt: Erstens als Erfahrungsgeschichte einer sich neu zu bildenden „deutsch-deutschen Linken“ in Ost und West nach 1990. Zweitens ist es eine Geschichte der expliziten Auseinandersetzung mit den neuen Themen „deutsche Nation“ und „deutsche Geschichte“, wie sie vor allem von Seiten der antideutschen bzw. antinationalen Linken diskutiert wurden. Diese Auseinandersetzung hatte sowohl Auswirkungen auf das linksradikale Selbstverständnis der berücksichtigten Szene als auch auf den Verlauf der Neuvereinigung der ost- und westdeutschen Komponenten dieser Szene. / In 1990, East and West German actors who viewed themselves as members of the “radical left” suddenly became part of the same collective: the German radical left. Yet the contexts in which these actors had been politicized and socialized had been quite distinct prior to the fall of the Wall. The purpose of this study is to examine the modalities by which these actors – East and West – were unified in the course of the 1990’s. On what bases did they – in an environment which remained highly heterogeneous – define the shared reality which is a precondition of any rapprochement? What was the influence of the legacy of the East German leftist opposition’s political experience in the GDR? The position known as antideutsch or antinational particularly attracted our attention. It developed among the West German left in the wake of reunification. It also contributed considerably to redefining the structure of the scene in the East and the West in the second half of the 1990’s. The dissertation throws light on German political culture following reunification, on the one hand, and on the disorientation of the German left after the collapse of Real socialism, on the other. Furthermore, it introduces the East German dimension, which is often neglected by research, in the history of the Western European left.