Public administration scholars accept that public service values guide administrators’ behavior. This guidance also derives from social and cultural values that motivate administrators’ individual attitudes. A part of the field recognizes that public servants play an active role during the implementation process through their daily use of discretion. Nevertheless, public administrators’ values and attitudes are rarely linked to policy implementation and organizational performance. In consequence, public policy evaluation seldom considers the role of values and attitudes of those implementing policy. This study examines how public administrators’ values and attitudes towards citizens shape policy implementation and influence organizational and program performance. The implementation and results of Section 8 HCV Program serve as case study to address the linkage between public service values and performance. The Section 8 HCV is the federal government's major program that assists low-income families, elderly and disabled people to afford decent, safe, and sanitary housing in the private market. The Program allows participants to choose any housing that meets its requirements. This research hypothesizes that environmental and organizational factors impose a toll on organizational and policy performance and that public administrators’ values and attitudes towards recipients buffer some of these effects. The study employs a quantitative methods approach to examine and combine demographic characteristics of the communities that surround Public Housing Authorities -where the Section 8 Housing Choice Voucher Program is implemented-, statistic indicators of the local housing market, Section 8 HCV structural factors of operation, levels of poverty and race desegregation in vouchers recipient, and the quality of their neighborhoods, to establish a correlation between Public Housing Authorities’ poor performance and less advantageous environmental factors, and vice versa. I conducted semi-structured interviews among Section 8 HCV Program’s case managers, directors and front-line practitioners in Public Housing Authorities in the states of Florida and California to identify the Public Service Values-based strategies that influence program’s implementation, and both, organizational and program’s performance. The quantitative evidence collected and analyzed in this dissertation indicates that environmental and organizational factors impose a toll on Public Housing Authorities and Section 8 HCV program’s performance. Meanwhile, the qualitative portion of the study suggests that public administrators’ values and attitudes towards recipients permeate the implementation process and influence Section 8 HCV program’s results.

Public bureaucracy finds itself in a strange place at the intersection of political science and public administration. Political science finds that, within representative democracy, discretion granted to bureaucrats threatens the nature of democracy by subverting politicians who represent the will of the people – bureaucracy vs democracy. At the same time, public administration holds that, in the interest of promoting democracy, bureaucracy should be objective in its implementation of policy in a way that eliminates the influence of politics from decision-making – politics vs bureaucracy. Those positions are seemingly contradictory in nature. From one perspective, bureaucracy is undemocratic because it is outside of politics, yet an overreach of politics into the bureaucracy yields undemocratic outcomes. Bureaucracy can facilitate democracy outside of politics. This study looks to empirically test whether local bureaucrats, who should be willing to act in-line with influential co-partisans, might still promote democratic outcomes for their constituents with their discretionary decision-making. Florida provides an empirical backdrop for testing bureaucracy’s impact on democracy with a natural experimental scenario created with the passing of new early voting limitations in 2011. Florida’s Republican (R) lawmakers passed House Bill 1355 (HB 1355), which was signed into law by Governor Scott (R), that dramatically limited the early voting days allowed for federal elections. HB 1355 changed the early voting (EV) period from fourteen (14) days to eight (8) days and eliminated the last Sunday before Election Day as well. The move was widely seen as a political calculation aimed at stifling the participation of Democrats in the 2012 General Election. In seeming lockstep, local Supervisors of Elections (SOEs) from both parties utilized their statutory discretion over the location of early voting sites to alter the distribution of sites before the 2012 General Election. I find that Republican SOEs did not distribute early voting locations in a way that negatively impacted early voting participation rates (EVPR) for their local precincts. Furthermore, I find that, all else equal, their decisions did not statistically impact EVPR differently than the EVPR in communities managed by Democrats. Republican SOEs did not add new costs to voters in their communities. I provide new evidence that demonstrates that bureaucrats can indeed limit the impact of undue politics from their influential co-partisans to promote more democratic outcomes.

In 2016, women represented 16.6% of all Chief Administrative Officers (CAOs) in local governments across the United States. Previous studies have investigated gender disparities in managerial representation, which is explained by the glass ceiling phenomenon; however, little is known about whether the women that occupy these male dominated positions have the similar levels of responsibilities as their male counterparts. Thus, the purpose of this dissertation is to understand if gender disparities in levels of work authority manifest as a new form of the glass ceiling. Work authority in this study is operationalized as CAOs’ sanctioning authority (control over personnel operations) and decision-making authority (control over formal operations). Using a mixed methods research design, this investigation is implemented in two phases. The first phase employs Ordinary Least Square (OLS) regression to explore the relationship between CAOs’ gender and CAOs’ level of work authority as well as the relationship between CAOs’ levels of work authority and annual pay. In the second phase, using a qualitative research method, I conduct an in-depth investigation of similarities and differences in the career paths of CAOs and the factors that shape their career-related decisions. This research has five main findings. First, female CAOs do not have similar level of sanctioning authority as their male counterparts. Second, disparities in level of sanctioning authority yield economic inequality among CAOs. Third, male and female CAOs take different career paths. Last, female CAOs perform dual roles—professional and personal—whereas most male CAOs are less burdened with household responsibilities in their personal lives. Last, for female CAOs with family responsibilities, their career paths are significantly fashioned by the presence of institutional and social support networks. Findings inform policy makers and public management practices. It informs that gender-based disparities in the workforce continually manifest in new forms, creating unequal employment opportunities for men and women in the workforce. Such disparities also continue perpetuating economic inequalities among men and women in the workforce. Also, it informs public management practices of the critical impact that institutional support has on leveling the playing field women to participate in male-dominated careers.

This study described the operation and organization of the United States Army's Second Armored Division's Public Affairs Office, with emphasis on the differences between garrison and field operations. The study found that the function of the division, public affairs office is to keep both the internal and external public(s) of the division informed concerning the activities of the division. The office is organized into three branches: command information, public information, and administration. During garrison operations, all members of the office operate from a building at Fort Hood, Texas. During field operations, office personnel organize into teams in order to provide information to all public(s), internal and external.

The primary objective of this dissertation is to study the management of public and nonprofit resources and financial risk. Governments will be able to use its findings to continue to provide public services in collaboration with other sectors, including the nonprofit sector. Nonprofit financial self-sufficiency and sub-award grant mechanisms between the government and nonprofit sectors are two primary areas to be examined. This dissertation consists of three essays. The first investigates how the diversification of nonprofit revenue portfolios influences extreme revenue risks; the results show that the chance of extreme revenue loss increases when revenue sources are highly correlated to each other. The second essay examines the impact of strenuous state fiscal conditions on nonprofit organizations based in different U.S. states in order to report on generalizable empirical research on sub-award grant mechanisms, state and local government grants awarded to nonprofit organizations. The third essay explores the nonprofit sector’s response to economic shocks, and whether specific state characteristics intensified or mitigated the impact of the economic crisis. The findings from this dissertation can help nonprofit-sector scholars and practitioners understand different perspectives of market risk, revenue risk and portfolio development, and financial stability related to government grants.

The purpose of this study is to explore the mechanisms of how feedback from supervisor affects innovative work behavior among local government employees in Korea. Another purpose of this study is to explore the mediating roles of trust in supervisor and affective commitment, and the moderating role of risk-taking climate, using various theories, such as organizational support theory, social exchange theory, intrinsic motivation theory, and psychological climate theory. The results from a cross-sectional study based on a sample of 1,699 local government employees from 65 local governments find that feedback from supervisor has a significant direct effect on innovative work behavior. Trust in supervisor and affective commitment significantly mediate the relationship between feedback from supervisor and innovative work behavior. Feedback from supervisor has an indirect effect on innovative work behavior through its influence on trust in supervisor and affective commitment in serial. Risk-taking climate significantly moderates the relationship between affective commitment and innovative work behavior. Lastly, the results of moderated mediation model find that the conditional effects are significant at high levels of the moderator (at one standard deviation above the mean) and at the mean, while the conditional effect was not significant at low levels of moderator (at one standard deviation below the mean) for both two indirect effect paths (feedback from supervisor --> affective commitment --> innovative work behavior, and feedback from supervisor --> trust in supervisor --> affective commitment --> innovative work behavior).

There has been a significant amount of attention refocused on problems surrounding police and communities of color. The most consistent remedy identified has been reforming police departments, which is an organizational-level solution. However, only minimal strides have been made in empirical research to understand the organizational correlates associated with police-community relations. Thus, this research investigated the impact that police departments’ organizational and managerial characteristics have on police-community relations. The key contributions of this research to the literature are three-fold. First, a composite indicator of police-community relations was developed by compiling a large nationwide dataset of local police-departments. This multidimensional indicator includes citizen complaints, police use of force, assaults against police officers, and civilian deaths by police. Second, the role that specific organizational characteristics—community-oriented policing, passive representation, professionalism, and control mechanisms—have on police-community relations was estimated using ordinary least squares regression analyses from over 250 police departments. The findings portrayed that only specific (and very few) organizational and managerial characteristics of police departments impact police-community relations. Specifically, police departments that had formal partnerships with the community, dedicated beat patrol officers, and minority representation were found to have lower levels of use of force. Police departments with higher numbers of officers dedicated to problem-solving activities in the community had lower levels of citizen complaints; in contrast, departments that were more formalized had higher levels of citizen complaints. Lastly, to understand the causal mechanisms undergirding organizational factors and police-community relations, an in-depth case study was conducted in Hartford, Connecticut. The case study included (a) 88 interviews with police officers, public officials, and community leaders, (b) 67.7 hours of participant observations, and (c) a review of secondary sources. A thematic content analysis of the data underscored the importance of police departments cultivating soft skills, investing in human resources, and being intentional about engaging the community. Specifically, police departments can influence police-community relations by impacting the level and quality of service provision and/or officer attitudes and behavior. Taken as a whole, this study adds to the knowledge base of organizational behavior, public management, and policing studies while also providing implications for policy and practice.

Forskningen om lobbyism i Sverige har hittills i huvudsak fokuserat på riksdagen. I den här uppsatsen undersöks lobbyism på kommunal nivå utifrån ett mottagarperspektiv med fokus på beslutsfattare och deras erfarenheter av lobbyism. Syftet är att belysa hur beslutsfattare i svenska kommunfullmäktige uppfattar att lobbyism går till i sina egna kommuner. Studiens utgångspunkt utgörs av lobbyismens relation till demokrati och i den kvalitativt genomförda undersökningen används en analysram baserad på tre värden för demokratisk lobbyism, benämnda transparens, jämlikhet och etik. Empirin har samlats in genom intervjuer med åtta kommunala fullmäktigeledamöter. Resultaten visar att beslutsfattarna upplever att lobbyism inte alls förekommer i de egna kommunerna, eftersom de har en allmän bild av lobbyism som inte överensstämmer med hur de ser på de påverkansförsök som riktas mot dem i det politiska arbetet. Resultaten visar även att politikerna uppfattar beslutsprocesserna som öppna för insyn och lika tillgängliga för medborgarna. De uppfattar också att de olika intressenter som hör av sig i påverkanssyfte förser dem med sanningsenlig information. Samtidigt finner vi att den typ av påverkan som beslutsfattarna anser faktiskt förekommer i kommunen inte fullt ut når upp till teoretiska krav på transparens, jämlikhet och etik, eftersom en del intressenter till viss del verkar ha större möjlighet till inflytande. / The impact of lobbyist activities on political decision-making has been studied in Sweden mostly on a presumption that these matters take place on a national level. This paper examines lobbyist activities in the local political processes with a perspective from the recipients point-of-view, namely the decision-makers and their experiences from lobbyist influences. The purpose of the study is to illustrate how decision makers in swedish municipal councils perceive lobbying in their own municipalities. In order to investigate the possible implications of these affairs we have conducted a qualitative research, looking into the democratic aspects of lobbying. For this purpose, we have built a theoretical framework based on three core values of democratic lobbying: transparency, equality and ethics. The empirical data has been collected from interviews with eight members of municipal councils. Our main findings show that the decision-makers deny the occurence of lobbying activities in their own municipalities, as they have a general idea of lobbying that is inconsistent with the kind of attempted influence they actually face in their role as politicians. Further findings reveal that politicians perceive the decision-making process as transparent and as equally accessible to citizens. They also perceive that stakeholders provide them with truthful information. In contrast, we find that the kind of influence that decision-makers believe actually occur in the municipality does not fulfill the theoretical requirements for transparency, equality and ethics, as certain stakeholders to some extent seem to have a greater opportunity to influence.

The purpose of this research is to explore the policy processes in Kuwait by examining the recent privatization legislation, which has been adopted but not yet implemented. First, the research reports data from elite interviews, focus groups, and document reviews about policymaking, to illuminate the processes that lead up to the adoption of privatization. Limited data of this nature currently exist. Second, it is anticipated that findings reported in this study will be of theoretical relevance to scholars of comparative politics and particularly to privatization theorists. The research contributes to a better understanding of the differences in policymaking processes between consolidated democracies of Western countries and transitional democracies of Gulf countries, with a particular focus on Kuwait. Data analyzed depict Kuwait in its struggle to become part of an internationally diversified economy. While the government is still centralized in its operations, there is a push towards greater openness and inclusiveness in the political process. The research draws on the interpretivist and social constructivist paradigms, and employs the use of a phenomenological data analysis method. Ministers, directors of public agencies, and private sector executives were interviewed, as well as leaders of nonprofits and representatives of international organizations. Essentially, the study attempted to include all participants in the privatization policy development. The research shows that Kuwait’s economy is the least diversified in the Gulf region, with a great dependency on hydrocarbon revenues. Results indicate that fluctuating oil prices, economic stagnation, and declining citizen satisfaction, drove privatization discussions at different points in time. Although the privatization legislation was enacted in 2010 via Law 37, the government is still struggling with implementation across the public sector. Data analysis of the reasons behind the lack of implementation reveals that limitations in the legal framework, lack of private sector incentives, capacity issues, national workforce concerns, inadequate infrastructure, and the lack of evaluation and management criteria are drastically hindering the policy implementation process in Kuwait.

In an effort to reduce the cost and size of government public service delivery has become more decentralized, flexible and responsive. Public entrepreneurship entailed, among other things, the establishment of special-purpose governments to finance public services and carry out development projects. Community Development Districts (CDDs) are a type of special-purpose governments whose purpose is to manage and finance infrastructure improvements in the State of Florida. They have important implications for the way both growth management and service delivery occur in the United States. This study examined the role of CDDs for growth management policy and service delivery by analyzing the CDD profile and activity, the contribution of CDDs to the growth management and infrastructure development as well as the way CDD perceived pluses and minuses impact service delivery. The study used a mixed methods research approach, drawing on secondary data pertaining to CDD features and activity, semi-structured interviews with CDD representatives and public officials as well as on a survey of public officials within the counties and cities that have established CDDs. Findings indicated that the CDD institutional model is both a policy and a service delivery tool for infrastructure provision that can be adopted by states across the United States. Results showed that CDDs inhibit rather than foster growth management through their location choices, type and pattern of development. CDDs contributed to the infrastructure development in Florida by providing basic infrastructure services for the development they supported and by building and dedicating facilities to general-purpose governments. Districts were found to be both funding mechanisms and management tools for infrastructure services. The study also pointed to the fact that specialized governance is more responsive and more flexible but less effective than general-purpose governance when delivering services. CDDs were perceived as being favorable for developers and residents and not as favorable for general-purpose governments. Overall results indicated that the CDD is a flexible institutional mechanism for infrastructure delivery which has both advantages and disadvantages. Decision-makers should balance districts’ institutional flexibility with their unintended consequences for growth management when considering urban public policies.