<p>Missing pages 112 and 225</p> / <p>In federal states such as Canada and the u.s., non-federal governments control a sizable fraction of total government revenues and expenditures. Despite this, the literature on the macroeconomic effect of government deficits and debt deals virtually exclusively with unitary states. Similarly, the literature which examines issues pertaining to non-federal governments ignores the issue of the effect their choosing to deficit finance might have on macroeconomic stability. This thesis represents an effort to bring together these two strands of research. The results indicate that many conclusions of the existing literature on the macroeconomic effect of government deficits and debt are either completely overturned or significantly modified when one considers a federal rather than a unitary state. In particular, we find that the condition (s) which must be satisfied for macroeconomic stability are made significantly more stringent when non-federal governments choose to deficit finance disturbances to their budget positions. We also find that the success of federal debt management policies are greatly influenced by the decision of non-federal governments to deficit finance. In conclusion then, we find that two issues which have played a prominent role in recent policy debates --whether government deficit financing must eventually lead to large tax increases (or expenditure cuts), and the magnitude of deficit reductions necessary to maintain manageable levels of debt --are both highly sensitive to decisions made not only at the federal government level but also at the non-federal level.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Lam Lop Chi. / Thesis submitted in: August 2005. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 114-126). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Acknowledgements --- p.I / Abstract in English --- p.II-IV / Abstract in Chinese --- p.V-VI / List of Abbreviations --- p.VII-IX / List of Figures --- p.X / List of Tables --- p.XI-XII / Table of Contents --- p.XIII-XV / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction / Chapter 1.1 --- Background --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Risk factors --- p.6 / Chapter 1.3 --- Overseas guidelines in CAD management --- p.11 / Chapter 1.4 --- Angioplasty in CAD intervention --- p.15 / Chapter 1.5 --- Prevention or Intervention? --- p.21 / Chapter 1.6 --- Economic impact on PCI --- p.24 / Chapter 1.7 --- Cost of illness --- p.28 / Chapter 1.8 --- Hypothesis --- p.30 / Chapter 1.9 --- Objectives --- p.30 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Cost of AMI Study / Chapter 2.1 --- Background --- p.31 / Chapter 2.2 --- Objective --- p.32 / Chapter 2.3 --- Method --- p.32 / Chapter 2.4 --- Results --- p.35 / Chapter 2.5 --- Discussion --- p.49 / Chapter 2.6 --- Study limitations --- p.58 / Chapter 2.7 --- Conclusions --- p.58 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Angina study / Chapter 3.1 --- Background --- p.60 / Chapter 3.2 --- Objective --- p.76 / Chapter 3.3 --- Hypothesis --- p.76 / Chapter 3.4 --- Method --- p.76 / Chapter 3.5 --- Results --- p.79 / Chapter 3.6 --- Discussion --- p.93 / Chapter 3.7 --- Study limitations --- p.101 / Chapter 3.8 --- Conclusions --- p.101 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- Overall Discussion --- p.103 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Conclusions --- p.112 / References --- p.114 / Appendix --- p.127

State and local governments play an important role in financing and delivering public services in the United States. In 2008, state and local governments collected 57 percent of total federal, state, and local revenue (Urban Institute and Brookings Institution, Tax Policy Center, 2009). The decentralization of fiscal responsibility has enabled a high degree of variation in state and local tax structures to emerge. This dissertation presents two empirical studies that extend the positive literature on state and local tax policy. The extant literature contains evidence of a direct relationship between voter ideology and state and local tax progressivity. However, the measures of voter ideology that were used either did not capture differences in the intensity of voter liberalism across states, did not vary over time, or were beset with other limitations. This study uses the measure of average voter liberalism developed by Berry et al (1998). I find that average voter liberalism is significantly and positively-related to progressivity. However, the effect is small in magnitude. The ethnic congruence between the poor and the non-poor is positively-related to progressivity and the effects are economically significant. The degree of tension between ethnic groups, measured with an index of ethnic residential segregation, is significantly and inversely-related to progressivity. Both variables are statistically significant even with average voter liberalism held constant. It is possible that the ethnic demographic context reflects aspects of voters’ redistributive preferences that are not captured by measures of ideology. Researchers have found relationships between states’ tax exporting capacities and the tax structures they adopt. Chapter 4 is the first study to examine the relationship between state tax exporting capacities and the business sales taxes. I find that the effective sales tax rate that governments impose on business purchases is not significantly influenced by a state’s capacity to export business taxes. It is, however, significantly and positively affected by a state’s ability to export taxes on households through the deductibility of state and local taxes under the federal income tax. A decrease in this offset is predicted to lead to an increase in the effective business sales tax rate, ceteris paribus.

The local government tax-exempt debt market is a growing, and complex, sector of public finance. As local governments turn to debt financing the factors that contribute to interest costs of that debt have become important considerations for local government officials and politicians. Governance at the local level involves a network of overlapping governments some of which share a tax base. This system of overlapping governments that share a tax base are subject to externalities that arise from taxation, expenditures, and debt. These externalities are usually analyzed in terms of tax or expenditure reactions, but there are implications for local government debt as well. For example, it can be shown that overlapping governments that share a tax base and issue debt can increase the interest costs paid on bonds by a higher level government. Further complicating the debt situation of local governments is the prevalence of a variety of special districts with the authority to issue tax-exempt debt. These special districts may have the authority to issue debt, but little is known about their financing processes. By comparing how different types of government approach the credit rating process this dissertation compares risk assessment of traditional municipalities and special districts. Through this comparison similarities and differences in the credit rating process across types of local governments can be identified. To explore these issues of local government debt several advanced econometric techniques are used to estimate various models.

Réduire la déforestation dans les pays tropicaux est un des principaux défis pour la communauté internationale dans le cadre du processus de négociations de la Convention Cadre des Nations Unies sur le Changement Climatique (CCNUCC). En effet, la déforestation est la seconde source d'émissions de gaz à effets de serre, juste derrière les émissions industrielles. Depuis 2005, un nouvel instrument international pour réduire les émissions de carbone liées à la déforestation tropicale est en négociation à la CCNUCC. Ce mécanisme, appelé REDD+ (Réduction des Emissions liées à la Déforestation et Dégradation des forêts) repose sur un système de compensation financière des pays en développement pour leurs efforts en termes de déforestation évitée. Cependant, la mise en œuvre du mécanisme REDD+ à l'échelle nationale et internationale soulève de nombreux problèmes méthodologiques et rencontre de nombreux obstacles. Le but de la thèse est double. Dans une première partie, une description et une analyse du mécanisme REDD+ est réalisée. Dans une deuxième partie, de nouvelles perspectives concernant le design du mécanisme REDD+ et sur sa mise en œuvre sont offertes, en se basant sur trois essais rédigés en format article. Le premier essai propose un modèle de théorie des jeux reflétant le processus de négociation Nord-Sud du mécanisme REDD. Il étudie les conditions régissant le partage de fonds entre les pays en développement et leurs impacts sur l'efficacité du système d'incitations. Le deuxième essai utilise un modèle en économétrie de panel pour différencier des comportements nationaux de déforestation selon la dotation relative en forêts de chaque pays. Le troisième essai s'intéresse à la mise en œuvre du mécanisme REDD+, en comparant les résultats de deux programmes de paiement pour services environnementaux pour deux types de gouvernements. Le modèle développé dans cet essai est ensuite testé dans le contexte de la déforestation en Indonésie, grâce à une base de données fournie par l'ONG Conservation International. / Curbing deforestation in tropical countries is one of the main current challenges for international community in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. Indeed, deforestation is the second leading cause of greenhouse gas emissions just behind industrial emissions. Since 2005, a new instrument to slow down CO2 emissions from tropical deforestation is under negotiations at the UNFCCC. This mechanism, called REDD+ (for Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation) is supported by a simple principle: it consists to reward developing countries for their efforts to avoid deforestation. However, the national and international implementations of REDD+ raise lot of methodological questions and meet several hurdles. The aims of the thesis are twofold. First, it proposes a description and an analysis of the REDD+ mechanism. Second, it is composed by three essays, which raise some questions about REDD+ design and implementation, in order to offer new perspectives on this mechanism. The first essay develops a game-theoretic bargaining model, simulating the on-going negotiation process over the REDD+ mechanism. It shows that the conditions under which developing countries are left to bargain over the allocation of the global forest fund may lead to an ineffective system of incentives. The second essay used a panel data analysis to reveal contrasted deforestation behaviors of tropical countries according to their relative endowment in forest cover. The aim of the third essay offered an illustration of REDD+ implementation, comparing the outcomes in terms of avoided deforestation and utility of two payments for environmental services designs for two types of governments. The model developed in this article is applied in the Indonesian context of deforestation, thanks to a database supplied by the NGO Conservation International.

The transport and urban economics literature applies different labor supply approaches when studying economic or planning instruments. Some studies assume that working hours are endogenous while the number of workdays is given, whereas others model only decisions on workdays. Unfortunately, empirical evidence does hardly exist on account of missing data. Against this background, we provide an assessment of whether general effects of transport policies are robust against the modeling of leisure demand and labor supply. We introduce different labor supply approaches into a spatial general equilibrium model and discuss how they affect the welfare implication of congestion policies. We, then, perform simulations and find that in many cases the choice of labor supply modeling not only affects the magnitude of the policy impact but also its direction. While planning instruments are suggested to be quite robust to different labor supply approaches, the way of modeling labor supply may crucially affect the overall welfare implications of economic instruments such as congestion tolls. Based on these findings it becomes clear which labor supply approach is the most appropriate given specific conditions. Our study also emphasizes the need for better micro labor market data that also feature days of sickness, overtime work used to reduce workdays, the actual number of leave days, part-time work, days with telecommuting etc.

The U.S. is the only OECD country that does not offer any form of federal paid parental leave. Only three states—California, New Jersey and Rhode Island—have state paid parental leave policies; implemented in 2004, 2009 and 2014, respectively. Through descriptive statistics and a regression analysis of women and men’s wages in those three states, before and after the implementation of the policies, we assess the effects of paid leave programs on the gender wage gaps in those states. Our results show us that California’s paid family leave policy had greater effects on decreasing the gender wage gap than the policies in New Jersey and Rhode Island. In addition, our regression analysis shows us that women of childbearing age (19-45 years) saw an increase in their wages after the policy implementations, while men of childbearing age saw a decrease in their wages. This led us to the conclusion that paid family leave policies may be effective in decreasing the gender wage gap; however it is problematic that men’s wages decreased, implying that the policies may not be totally welfare optimizing. However, we came to an important conclusion that will hopefully entice more states and the federal government to implement policies to better support working parents.

The U.S. is the only OECD country that does not offer any form of federal paid parental leave. Only three states—California, New Jersey and Rhode Island—have state-provided paid leave policies; implemented in 2004, 2009 and 2014, respectively. Through descriptive statistics and difference-in-difference-in-difference regression analyses of the wages of women and men of childbearing age (19-45 years) in those three states, we assess whether the paid leave programs have effected wages, and whether these effects vary depending on gender. Our results show that wages of women of childbearing age saw negligible net effects post-policy in policy states, although statistically insignificant. On the other hand, the wages of men of childbearing age saw improvements post-policy implementation in policy states, compared to wages in non-policy states. Although the policies do not necessarily widen the gender wage gap, they do not work to help close it, due to flaws in the policies. To be more effective in reducing gender wage gaps, these policies need to increase the amount of paid support, and implement job protection rights in order to decrease the opportunity costs of men taking leave. If more men are able to take paid leave, then potentially parts of the gender wage gap that are due to employers viewing women as less attached to the workforce can decrease. Through this research we came to important conclusions that highlight the ways in which support of working parents in the US is lacking, and offered recommendations to create more equitable and effective policies.

This thesis aims to unpack the impact the legalization of street vending and the subsequent regulation had on sidewalk vendors. Although legalization occurred state-wide through Senate Bill 946 in September of 2017, the rules and regulations for vending were passed at a city-level, and I am focusing on the City of Los Angeles specifically. Through interviews with government officials, non-profit partners and advocates, and vendors from different parts of the City, I analyze information around the policy itself, its history, and the impact it has and is expected to have on vendors and their businesses. While vendors have been central to advocacy and the policy process, the creation of a permitting system in the City of Los Angeles has been less transparent. By interviewing stakeholders, relying on existing economic, political, and sociological literature, and gathering opinions from vendors themselves, I develop various policy recommendations to further empower vendors and integrate them into Los Angeles’ formal economy. I recommend a permitting model that is backward-mapped and stems from the needs of and feedback from vendors in order for it to be more aligned with the goals and needs of vendors themselves.

Public bureaucracy finds itself in a strange place at the intersection of political science and public administration. Political science finds that, within representative democracy, discretion granted to bureaucrats threatens the nature of democracy by subverting politicians who represent the will of the people – bureaucracy vs democracy. At the same time, public administration holds that, in the interest of promoting democracy, bureaucracy should be objective in its implementation of policy in a way that eliminates the influence of politics from decision-making – politics vs bureaucracy. Those positions are seemingly contradictory in nature. From one perspective, bureaucracy is undemocratic because it is outside of politics, yet an overreach of politics into the bureaucracy yields undemocratic outcomes. Bureaucracy can facilitate democracy outside of politics. This study looks to empirically test whether local bureaucrats, who should be willing to act in-line with influential co-partisans, might still promote democratic outcomes for their constituents with their discretionary decision-making. Florida provides an empirical backdrop for testing bureaucracy’s impact on democracy with a natural experimental scenario created with the passing of new early voting limitations in 2011. Florida’s Republican (R) lawmakers passed House Bill 1355 (HB 1355), which was signed into law by Governor Scott (R), that dramatically limited the early voting days allowed for federal elections. HB 1355 changed the early voting (EV) period from fourteen (14) days to eight (8) days and eliminated the last Sunday before Election Day as well. The move was widely seen as a political calculation aimed at stifling the participation of Democrats in the 2012 General Election. In seeming lockstep, local Supervisors of Elections (SOEs) from both parties utilized their statutory discretion over the location of early voting sites to alter the distribution of sites before the 2012 General Election. I find that Republican SOEs did not distribute early voting locations in a way that negatively impacted early voting participation rates (EVPR) for their local precincts. Furthermore, I find that, all else equal, their decisions did not statistically impact EVPR differently than the EVPR in communities managed by Democrats. Republican SOEs did not add new costs to voters in their communities. I provide new evidence that demonstrates that bureaucrats can indeed limit the impact of undue politics from their influential co-partisans to promote more democratic outcomes.