This thesis examines the viability of the concept of political liberalism. Since its emergence, the idea of a purely political liberalism has been the subject of a voluminous amount of discourse and debate. The concept of political liberalism has been presented as both a solution to the problems of justice and political stability troubling liberal democracies and an exemplar of all that is wrong with contemporary political philosophy; it has, quite literally, altered the landscape and the vernacular of contemporary political theory. Herein it is argued that, despite the significant amount of literature that has been devoted to the analysis of the idea of a purely political liberalism, the idea itself has yet to be subjected to the type of critique that is required if one is to assess its viability effectively. Though there have been a number of contemporary political theorists who have developed conceptions of political liberalism which they believe differ in important ways from those of their doctrinal colleagues, detailed analyses of the concept of political liberalism have and remain focussed almost exclusively on a single formulation: namely, Rawlsian political liberalism. This singular focus has precluded the completion of a comprehensive assessment of the viability of the concept (as opposed to a single conception) of political liberalism as represented both by Rawlsian and non-Rawlsian models. This thesis confronts this problem by expanding the scope of investigation to include a fulsome examination of other prominent paradigmatic conceptions of political liberalism namely, those developed by Charles Larmore and Judith Shklar and in so doing provides a more inclusive and, subsequently, thorough critique than has previously been offered. Adopting such an approach reveals that, despite protestations to the contrary, the prominent paradigmatic conceptions of political liberalism are sufficiently similar in all important respects to enable their conflation for the purpose of analysis; and when subjected to a thorough analysis, the idea of a purely political liberalism proves itself to be untenable. / Political Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Politics)

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: On The io" of May 1994 Nelson Mandela was inaugurated as the first democratically elected black president of South Africa. The occasion was regarded, both nationally and internationally, as a triumph for humanity and perfused with a widespread optimism for the future of South Africa. Mandela proclaimed in his inaugural speech that "Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will experience oppression of one by another .... The sun shall never set on so glorious an achievement." However, now, less than 10 years later the rapidly accelerating and devastating HIV/AIDS epidemic is again 'obscuring the sun'. Those people affected so negatively by the racial, economic and gender injustices of the apartheid past, seem again to be suffering a possible injustice, because of a health and welfare system that is struggling to meet the needs of the HIV affected population. The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the concept of distributive justice in South Africa, within the context of this devastating epidemic. I begin by discussing the Bill of Rights in the South African Constitution. I argue that an acceptable framework for a theory of justice for health care in South Africa, must be worked out against the background of this egalitarian Bill of Rights. I then consider the extent of the HIV epidemic, the effect it is having on the people of South Africa and the consequent implications for health care needs. It is within this context that I examine and compare three theories of distributive justice, namely utilitarianism, John Rawls' theory of "Justice as Fairness" and a libertarian concept of justice, as proposed by Robert Nozick. Utilitarianism is a consequentialist theory that focuses on producing the 'greatest happiness for the greatest number'. I argue that many health policy decisions in South Africa are in fact guided by this principle. However utilitarianism has both strengths and weaknesses which are critically examined. Within the framework of health care policy making, utilitarian justice dictates that rights are derivative and that the welfare of the majority usually takes precedence over the pressing needs of a minority. This issue in particular is discussed. Rawls' theory of "Justice as fairness" is critically discussed next. This theory has been adapted to health care by Norman Daniels, who argues that the Rawlsian principle of "fair equality of opportunity" is a suitable founding principle for health care institutions. Apartheid entrenched a system of 'inequality of opportunity'. Consequently, a theory that focuses on equality of opportunity, has many advantages within the South African context. I examine this theory in detail and provide justification for my assertion that it could be usefully adapted to South African healthcare and the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Finally, I discuss a Libertarian (Nozickian) theory of justice and examine both the strengths and weaknesses of this theory. I attempt to demonstrate why a libertarian system, with it vigorous commitment to moral and economic individualism and belief that one is only entitled to that share of healthcare that can be paid for, would be unjust, if rigorously applied within the post-apartheid South African context. I conclude my dissertation by reiterating my assertion that "Justice as Fair Equality of Opportunity" could be used as a just foundation for a theory of justice for health care in current day, HIV/AIDS affected South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Teorieë van geregtigheid en 'n gesondheidsbeleid vir die VIGS epidemie in Suid Afrika: 'n vergelykende ontleding. Op die 10de Mei 1994 is Nelson Mandela ingehuldig as die eerste demokraties verkose swart president van Suid- Afrika. Die geleentheid is in beide Suid-Afrika en in die buiteland beskou as 'n oorwinning vir humaniteit. Optimisme oor Suid-Afrika se toekoms was oral tasbaar. Mandela het in sy inhuldigingstoespraak verkondig dat dit nooit weer sal gebeur dat hierdie pragtige land sal lyonder die onderdrukking van een oor die ander nie. Hy het gesê dat die son nooit salondergaan op so 'n wonderlike prestasie nie. Nou, minder as tien jaar later, is die verwoestende VIGS epidemie besig om weer die 'son te laat ondergaan'. Dieselffde mense wat alreeds onder apartheid se rasisme en ekonomiese en geslagsongeregtighede gely het, blyk nou weer verontreg te word; hierde keer omdat die gesondheids- en welsynsisteem sukkel om in die behoeftes van die VIGS-geaffekteerde populasie te voorsien. Die doel van hierdie verhandeling is om die konsep van distributiewe geregtigheid in die konteks van die dreigende VIGS epidemie te bespreek. Ek begin met 'n bespreking van die Verklaring van Regte soos vervat in die Suid-Afrikaanse Grondwet. Ek voer aan dat enige aanvaarbare teorie oor geregtigheid in die Suid-Afrikaanse gesondheidsisteem gegrond moet word op hierdie egalitêre Verklaring van Regte. Tweedens kyk ek na die omvang van die VIGS epidemie, die effek wat dit op die HIV-positiewe populasie en hulle familielede het, en die gevolglike implikasies vir gesondheidsbehoeftes. Dit is binne hierdie konteks dat ek drie teorieë van distributiewe geregtigheid ondersoek en vergelyk; naamlik utilitarisme, John Rawls se teorie van "Justice as Fairness", en 'n libertynse konsep van geregtigheid soos voorgestel deur Robert Nozick. Utilitarisme is 'n konsekwensialistise teorie wat beteken dat die regte daad die een is wat in enige situasie die grootste geluk vir die meeste persone sal meebring. Ek voer aan dat baie van die beleidsrigtings wat 'n gesondheidsorg in Suid-Afrika gevolg is, deur hierdie teorie beïnvloed is. Utilitarisme het uiteraard sterk en swak punte en beide kante word krities ondersoek. In 'n gesondheidsorg konteks beteken utilitarisme dat regte altyd afgelei is en dat die welsyn van die meerderheid gewoonlik belangriker is as die van 'n minderheid, selfs wanneer die probleme van die minderheid ernstig en dringend is. Rawls se teorie van geregtigheid word vervolgens krities bespreek. Hierdie teorie is deur Norman Daniels aangepas vir gesondheidsorg. Hy stel voor dat Rawls se beginsel van 'regverdige gelykheid van geleentheid' baie effektief aangepas kan word vir gesondheidsorginstellings. Apartheid het 'n sisteem van ongelyke geleentheids verskans; gevolglik hou 'n teorie wat gelykheid van geleentheid verseker baie voordele vir die Suid- Afrikanse situasie in. Ek bespreek hierdie teorie in detail en poog om my standpunt dat die teorie besonder geskik is vir Suid-Afrikaanse gesondheidsisteem - veral in die konteks van die VIGS epidemie - te regverdig. Laastens bespreek ek die libertynse teorie van geregtigheid soos voorgestel deur Robert Nozick. Ek probeer aantoon waarom hierdie teorie, wat gebaseer is op morele en ekonomiese individualisme en gevolglik aanvoer dat mense geregtig is op gesondheidsorg alleenlik as hulle daarvoor kan betaal, onregverdig is in die Suid-Afrikaanse post-apartheid konteks. Ek sluit hierdie. verhandeling af deur weer te argumenteerdat Rawls se teorie en die beginsel van 'geregtigheid as gelyke geleentheide' uiters geskik is as 'n grondslag vir gesondheidsorg in Suid-Afrika vandag.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruno Beltrame.pdf: 550537 bytes, checksum: dd98c2c17868e3f8b2d425a2f8ed1be8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-05-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The aim of this dissertation is to inquire in what sense it is reasonable to locate in Kenneth Arrow s social choice theory and in John Rawls theory of justice the two main theoretical roots of Amartya Sen s capability approach. It will be argued that Arrow s social choice theory had the role of revealing the main deficiencies of the welfare economics theory. Thus, Arrow s analysis points the limitations to be fulfilled in order to arrive at satisfactory theory of social choice indicating, in this sense, the paths to be pursued. In the same manner, it is argued that Ralws theory of justice provided important elements that inspirated certain ethical positions present in Amartya Sen s thought, which appear in his approach to the problem of social choice. To conclude, the main features of the capability approach that can be directly associated with these two theoretical origins are exposed, and it is argued that Sen s theory simultaneously solves the deficiencies pointed by him in the theoretical structure of Arrow s social choice and embodies, even though in a modified way, elements of Rawls thought / O objetivo dessa dissertação é investigar em que sentido é pertinente localizar na teoria da escolha social de Kenneth Arrow e na teoria da justiça de John Rawls as duas principais raízes teóricas da abordagem das capacidades de Amartya Sen. Argumentar-se-á que a teoria da escolha social de Arrow cumpriu o papel de explicitar as deficiências da teoria econômica do bem-estar. Desse modo, as análises de Arrow apontam as limitações a serem superadas para se chegar a uma teoria satisfatória da escolha social indicando em certa medida rumos a serem seguidos. Da mesma maneira argumenta-se que a teoria da justiça de Rawls forneceu elementos importantes que inspiraram certos posicionamentos éticos evidentes no pensamento de Amartya Sen e que se refletem em suas análises da escolha social. Por fim são apresentadas as principais características da abordagem das capacidades que podem ser diretamente associados a estas duas origens teóricas, e será argumentado que a teoria de Sen ao mesmo tempo soluciona as deficiências apontadas por ele na estrutura teórica da escolha social de Arrow e incorpora, ainda que de forma modificada, elementos presentes no pensamento de Rawls

This thesis examines the viability of the concept of political liberalism. Since its emergence, the idea of a purely political liberalism has been the subject of a voluminous amount of discourse and debate. The concept of political liberalism has been presented as both a solution to the problems of justice and political stability troubling liberal democracies and an exemplar of all that is wrong with contemporary political philosophy; it has, quite literally, altered the landscape and the vernacular of contemporary political theory. Herein it is argued that, despite the significant amount of literature that has been devoted to the analysis of the idea of a purely political liberalism, the idea itself has yet to be subjected to the type of critique that is required if one is to assess its viability effectively. Though there have been a number of contemporary political theorists who have developed conceptions of political liberalism which they believe differ in important ways from those of their doctrinal colleagues, detailed analyses of the concept of political liberalism have and remain focussed almost exclusively on a single formulation: namely, Rawlsian political liberalism. This singular focus has precluded the completion of a comprehensive assessment of the viability of the concept (as opposed to a single conception) of political liberalism as represented both by Rawlsian and non-Rawlsian models. This thesis confronts this problem by expanding the scope of investigation to include a fulsome examination of other prominent paradigmatic conceptions of political liberalism namely, those developed by Charles Larmore and Judith Shklar and in so doing provides a more inclusive and, subsequently, thorough critique than has previously been offered. Adopting such an approach reveals that, despite protestations to the contrary, the prominent paradigmatic conceptions of political liberalism are sufficiently similar in all important respects to enable their conflation for the purpose of analysis; and when subjected to a thorough analysis, the idea of a purely political liberalism proves itself to be untenable. / Political Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Politics)

Nous partons d’un constat :plusieurs Etats d’Afrique, en général, et d’Afrique centrale, en particulier, connaissent un déficit très aigu de justice et de démocratie dans la répartition de biens sociaux premiers. En outre, ces Etats ne sont pas bien organisés politiquement, économiquement et socialement. Par conséquent, ils ne respectent pas les principes de justice politique à l’échelle domestique, ni les principes du droit des peuples au niveau international ou supranational. <p>Devant ce constat amer, nous nous sommes proposé de réfléchir en profondeur sur la théorie de la justice politique de Rawls en vue de nous imprégner de principes susceptibles de garantir les droits et devoirs fondamentaux des citoyens et des peuples bien ordonnés.<p>Nous avons ainsi examiné les conditions de possibilité de l’application de la théorie de la justice politique de Rawls pour une intégration politique réussie à l’échelle interne, en République Démocratique du Congo, et au niveau international ou supranational des Etats de l’Afrique centrale. Il ressort que la mise en place des institutions politiques, économiques, socioculturelles viables, de l’Etat de droit et du modèle de la démocratie représentativo-délibérative constituent, à notre sens, des préalables indispensables en vue de postuler, à un second niveau, une intégration politique supranationale dans la sous-région de l’Afrique des Grands Lacs caractérisée par des guerres récurrentes interétatiques. Les principes rawlsiens du droit des peuples peuvent aider à repenser la politique étrangère des pays de la sous-région de l’Afrique centrale et celle des organisations supranationales existantes. <p>Néanmoins, nous avons soutenu que l’application de certains principes rawlsiens du droit des peuples, comme celui du respect des traités et des engagements, nécessite que ceux-ci soient signés au sein d’une « fédération pacifique » des Etats. En effet, dans l’entendement d’Emmanuel Kant, des traités signés dans une « fédération pacifique » mettent fin à la fois aux guerres présentes et futures.<p>Dans cet ordre d’idées, nous avons souligné qu’une « fédération pacifique » des Etats pourra créer un cadre important pour l’émergence d’une « communauté de sécurité » au sens deutschien du terme, nécessaire pour la paix durable dans la sous-région de l’Afrique des Grands Lacs. La « communauté de sécurité » préconise que les Etats entretenant des relations réciproques ne recourent pas à la violence physique et règlent leurs problèmes par des « mécanismes de changement pacifique ». Dans cette logique, la guerre n’est plus facilement envisageable. De plus, nous avons estimé, en nous inspirant d’Habermas, qu’il est pertinent que les pays de l’Afrique centrale s’engagent sur la voie de l’« afrofédération », assurant la transformation des traités interétatiques conclus en une Constitution politique que chaque Etat de la fédération devra respecter.<p> / Doctorat en Philosophie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Les idéologies politiques africaines :mythe du pouvoir ou instance du développement ?<p>Réflexion épistémologique sur le nationalisme congolais à la lumière de la théorie rawlsienne de la justice.<p><p>Panafricanisme, négritude, consciencisme, socialisme et nationalisme ont eu en gros sur le sol africain, une double mission :-délivrer les pays du joug colonial<p>sortir ces pays du sous-développement par un travail d’une <p>-\ / Doctorat en Philosophie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished