This work explores the techniques of printing and preparation, in combination with technical mistakes. It aims to show how to use technical mistakes in different printing and preparation techniques as a design method to find accidental aesthetic expressions using the stripe as a tool to enhance and clarify the methods modification. The method confronts today’s textile industry by showing how these mistakes could develop into new expressions within textile design when fast -fashion is no longer an obligation. The stripe is a common shape, and is explored to clarify the method ans show how different techniques can change the stripes in various ways. This resulted in to three pieces each representing a technique; one transfer printed, one digital printed and one with the starting point in screen print. They present examples of how more time for developing mistakes in textile design can lead to development of the common shape of a stripe, broaden the technical limitations, and give a value to mistakes in the textile industry. By taking the method further more mistakes could be developed, and how to produce the developed designs in the industry could be investigated.

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This research examines the changes over time in British Newspaper reports covering the Jamaican rebellions of 1760, 1832 and 1865. The uprisings: Tacky’s Rebellion, the Baptist War and the Morant Bay Rebellion respectively, represented three key moments in the history of race, slavery and the British Empire. Though all three rebellions have been studied, this work compares the three events as moments of crisis challenging the British public discourse on slavery, race and subjecthood as it related to the changing Atlantic Empire. British newspapers provided the most direct way in which popular readers and the growing literate public examined and explored distant relations with colonial peoples. This research sheds light on the significant impact these rebellions had on rhetorical choices regarding race and slavery, and establishes that by forcing a public discourse on the topics of subjecthood and race, the rebellions in Jamaica had a dramatic trans-Atlantic impact.

This diploma thesis studies the transformation of the image of conquistador Lope de Aguirre in selected pieces of Hispanic literature. The introductory compilation explains the historical context of the colonial background in which Aguirre's rebellion took place. Some historical facts about Aguirre himself are added as well. The analytical part of this thesis concentrates on Aguirre's image in literature written in Spanish, from the second half of the 16th century till present. The four hundred year development of a historical persona into a myth is very briefly captured. Given the amount of possible research samples we choose to primarily focus on Aguirre's image in 16th century chronicles written by witnesses, namely the chronicle of Francisco Vázquez. Secondarily, we also look into the image created by post-boom writers in the seventies in the 20th century, with special consideration of Abel Posse's novel Daimón. As a result, we can make a limited comparison between one of the very first and one of the very last literary images of Aguirre. Based upon these images we also try to deduce the influence of contemporary values and mentality on the creation of said images.

Under what conditions does an ordinary citizen find it justified for an individual to engage in rebellion-related political actions? Though there is a large body of literature on rebel participation phenomenon, little is known about how ordinary citizens react to the motivations of rebels highlighted by the scholars. This research aims to address this gap by focusing on three generic sources of motivation for rebel participation: economic or political grievances, selective incentives, and indiscriminate violence. It is theorized that identification with a rebel candidate’s social group and the gender of this person would both affect individuals’ indicated justification levels for rebellion-related political actions. Through a self-administered survey conducted online by 309 participants from the United States, the theoretical expectations have been examined and while it turns out that the gender of a rebel candidate is not a decisive factor, the explanations based on identification with the rebel candidate’s social group has been partially supported in the study. Further research focusing on other sources of motivation for rebels is encouraged to assess the extent to which the proposed causal mechanism applies beyond the explanations for rebel participation taken in this study.

O exílio é um tema recorrente, embora pouco explorado, em Albert Camus. Sua obra é organizada em dois ciclos de criação: o absurdo e a revolta. Apesar de situado pelo autor no ciclo da revolta, propõe-se neste trabalho uma nova leitura de La Peste, obra que permite captar em um único texto a multiplicidade da temática do exílio em Camus, caracterizando-a como livro de transição entre esses dois conceitos, com a lucidez como elemento comum. O homem absurdo se percebe como tal pela consciência que tem de seu universo. Para o homem revoltado, a lucidez permite o combate. Em La Peste, o exílio, sob três aspectos, físico-social, psicológico e metafísico, integra a condição humana metafísica, em contraponto à condição histórica, tornando possível compreender tanto sua perspectiva como a do reino neste autor. / Exile is a recurring subject, though little explored, in Albert Camus. His work is organized in two creation phases: absurdity and rebellion. Even though situated by the author in the rebellion phase, this work proposes a new reading of La Peste, which allows seizing in only one text the thematic multiplicity of exile in Camus, characterizing it as a book of transition between these two concepts, with lucidity as their common feature. The absurd man thus perceives himself by means of the conscience he has of its universe. For the rebellious man, lucidity allows struggle. In La Peste, exile, under three aspects, physical-social, psychological and metaphysical, integrates the metaphysical human condition, in counterpoint to the historical condition, making it possible to understand its perspective, as well as the perspective of the kingdom, in this author.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:10:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Camila Bezerra Furtado Barros.pdf: 2914261 bytes, checksum: 18a707897b447c310d9d0774daa36923 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-04-12 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This research attempts to understand the thematization of rebellion, taking as reference the discourses (verbal and visual) presented in Capricho magazine. The hypothesis adopted here is that this rebellion, paradoxically converted into a marketing argument, is apparent. The magazine writer produces a figure of rebellion, adding passionate elements to the narrative program with which the reader identifies. To carry out this analysis, we establish as the corpus the magazine Capricho published in 1984, 1992, 2002 and 2008. Our objective is to analyze the political events of a contestatory nature that marked these years, which were in some way thematized in the magazine, and how they were incorporated into its verbal and visual discourse in the form of arguments for consumption. We investigate this question in two methodological moments, or steps. The first step of the research consists of analyzing the visual and verbal narratives of the magazine, examining the elements that constitute the symbolic construction of rebellion proposed by the periodical, based on a discourse analysis aimed at understanding how such figurativization is built within the social marketing framework and interestedly inserted into the communication contract, as expounded by Charaudeau (2006). In the second step, in light of the discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau (1996, 2002), we will evaluate the construction of the meaning of rebellion within an ideological totalizing discourse that justifies marketing practices. Starting from the theoretical reflections of Bauman (1998, 2001, 2007, 2008), Baudrillard (1991, 2005), Debord (1998) and Fontenelle (2004, 2009), we will discuss the figure of rebellion thematized in this publication as appearance / A pesquisa visa compreender a tematização da rebeldia, tomando como referencial os discursos (verbal e visual) presentes na revista Capricho. Adotou-se como hipótese que essa rebeldia, paradoxalmente convertida em argumento mercadológico, é aparente. O enunciador da revista produz uma figura de rebeldia, agregando elementos passionais ao programa narrativo com o qual o enunciatário se identifica. Para efetivar a análise, estabelecemos como corpus a revista Capricho nos anos de 1984, 1992, 2002 e 2008. Nosso objetivo é analisar se os acontecimentos políticos, de caráter contestatório que marcaram esses anos, de algum modo foram tematizados na publicação e como foram incorporados ao texto verbal e visual da revista na forma de argumento ao consumo. Para investigar a questão, percorreremos dois momentos metodológicos: o primeiro passo da pesquisa consiste na análise das narrativas visuais e verbais da revista, buscando a investigação dos elementos que constituem a construção simbólica da rebeldia, proposta pelo periódico, a partir da análise discursiva, a fim de entender como tal figurativização é construída nos moldes sociodiscursivos mercadológicos e interessadamente inserida no contrato comunicacional, conforme coloca Charaudeau (2006). Num segundo momento, à luz da teoria do discurso de Ernesto Laclau (1996, 2002), avaliaremos a construção do sentido de rebeldia dentro de um discurso ideológico totalizante, que justifica práticas mercadológicas. A partir das reflexões teóricas de Bauman (1998, 2001, 2007, 2008), Baudrillard (1991, 2005), Debord (1998) e Fontenelle (2004, 2009) discutiremos a figura da rebeldia tematizada nessa publicação, como aparência

A investigação tem por objetivo compreender as motivações, ideários e estratégias dos diferentes grupos que protagonizaram uma mobilização armada ocorrida na província de Mato Grosso no ano de 1834. Iniciada com a tomada do quartel de Cuiabá pela guarda nacional, na noite de 30 de maio, a Rusga teve como objetivo principal assassinar os homens nascidos em Portugal que viviam na província. Para compreender a mobilização, a análise parte da experiência das juntas provisórias criadas na província em 1821, quando teve início um intenso aprendizado da política sob um Estado liberal, constitucional e representativo. Atuando nas novas instituições, no debate público por via da imprensa e no estabelecimento e reiteração de relações de clientela, as lideranças da província se enfrentaram num processo que culminou na formação de dois campos políticos opostos. Em seguida, é abordada uma sedição feita por militares subalternos em 7 de dezembro de 1831. A análise enfoca os aprendizados, a cultura política e as estratégias dos soldados e oficiais inferiores, que já vinham de uma trajetória de contestação que incluía pelo menos quinze revoltas desde 1821. Neste processo, os soldados se tornaram capazes de interferir diretamente nos rumos da política provincial através da mobilização armada. O estudo passa então a tratar do impacto da Abdicação de d. Pedro I na política de Mato Grosso. Naquele contexto, mobilizações com motivações e composições sociais as mais diversas se utilizaram da evocação do direito à resistência e da politização do local de nascimento para chegar a seus objetivos, apropriando-se do ideário do Sete de Abril. Em Mato Grosso, este período foi marcado por conflitos envolvendo a expulsão e desmobilização das tropas, bem como pela organização de um novo partido, alinhado ao poder central e que se tornou capaz de, num único ano, conquistar a maioria em quase todos os espaços eletivos da província, acabando com um longo domínio de um pequeno grupo de homens na política institucional. Por fim, a investigação analisa o massacre ocorrido na Rusga. São enfocadas a situação de suspensão da legalidade criada na província, além das motivações, ideários e estratégias dos protagonistas da perseguição aos nascidos em Portugal, primeiramente em Cuiabá e, em seguida, no interior. / This investigation aims to comprehend the motivations, ideas and strategies informing the different groups that had an important role in an armed mobilization that occurred in the province of Mato Grosso during the year of 1834. Initiated with the occupation of Cuiabá city barracks by the National Guard on the evening of May 30th, the so-called Rusga had as its main goal the murder of the Portuguese-born men living in the province. In order to understand the mobilization, the analysis starts with the study of the experience of the provisory juntas created in the province on the year of 1821, marking the beginning of an intense learning of politics under a liberal, constitutional and representative State. Acting in the new institutions, taking part in the public debate through the press and in the establishment and reiteration of clientelistic relations, the provinces leadership was divided by growing internal confrontation, a process that culminated in the formation of two opposed political fields. The thesis continues with the study of a sedition led by subordinate military men on December 7th 1831. The analysis focuses on the learning of politics, the political culture and the strategies of soldiers and lower-ranking officers with a past of insubordination that included at least fifteen revolts since 1821. In this process, the soldiers were able to directly interfere in the path of provincial politics through armed mobilization. Next, the study emphasizes the impact of the Abdication of Emperor d. Pedro I in the politics of Mato Grosso. In that context, mobilizations with diverse motivations and social compositions evoked the right of resistance and benefited from a considerable politicization to achieve their goals, appropriating the ideas that inspired the Abdication. In Mato Grosso, this period was marked by conflicts involving the expulsion and demobilization of troops, as well as the organization of a new party, aligned to the central government and that was capable of, in a single year, conquer majorities in almost all of the elective institutions in the province, ending the long-standing control of a small group of men over the local institutional politics. Finally, the investigation analyses the massacre occurred in the Rusga. The suspension of the rule of law in the province, as well the motivations, ideas and strategies of the persecutors of the Portuguese-born, primarily in the city of Cuiabá and, later, in the countryside, are the focus of this last session

A investigação tem por objetivo compreender as motivações, ideários e estratégias dos diferentes grupos que protagonizaram uma mobilização armada ocorrida na província de Mato Grosso no ano de 1834. Iniciada com a tomada do quartel de Cuiabá pela guarda nacional, na noite de 30 de maio, a Rusga teve como objetivo principal assassinar os homens nascidos em Portugal que viviam na província. Para compreender a mobilização, a análise parte da experiência das juntas provisórias criadas na província em 1821, quando teve início um intenso aprendizado da política sob um Estado liberal, constitucional e representativo. Atuando nas novas instituições, no debate público por via da imprensa e no estabelecimento e reiteração de relações de clientela, as lideranças da província se enfrentaram num processo que culminou na formação de dois campos políticos opostos. Em seguida, é abordada uma sedição feita por militares subalternos em 7 de dezembro de 1831. A análise enfoca os aprendizados, a cultura política e as estratégias dos soldados e oficiais inferiores, que já vinham de uma trajetória de contestação que incluía pelo menos quinze revoltas desde 1821. Neste processo, os soldados se tornaram capazes de interferir diretamente nos rumos da política provincial através da mobilização armada. O estudo passa então a tratar do impacto da Abdicação de d. Pedro I na política de Mato Grosso. Naquele contexto, mobilizações com motivações e composições sociais as mais diversas se utilizaram da evocação do direito à resistência e da politização do local de nascimento para chegar a seus objetivos, apropriando-se do ideário do Sete de Abril. Em Mato Grosso, este período foi marcado por conflitos envolvendo a expulsão e desmobilização das tropas, bem como pela organização de um novo partido, alinhado ao poder central e que se tornou capaz de, num único ano, conquistar a maioria em quase todos os espaços eletivos da província, acabando com um longo domínio de um pequeno grupo de homens na política institucional. Por fim, a investigação analisa o massacre ocorrido na Rusga. São enfocadas a situação de suspensão da legalidade criada na província, além das motivações, ideários e estratégias dos protagonistas da perseguição aos nascidos em Portugal, primeiramente em Cuiabá e, em seguida, no interior. / This investigation aims to comprehend the motivations, ideas and strategies informing the different groups that had an important role in an armed mobilization that occurred in the province of Mato Grosso during the year of 1834. Initiated with the occupation of Cuiabá city barracks by the National Guard on the evening of May 30th, the so-called Rusga had as its main goal the murder of the Portuguese-born men living in the province. In order to understand the mobilization, the analysis starts with the study of the experience of the provisory juntas created in the province on the year of 1821, marking the beginning of an intense learning of politics under a liberal, constitutional and representative State. Acting in the new institutions, taking part in the public debate through the press and in the establishment and reiteration of clientelistic relations, the provinces leadership was divided by growing internal confrontation, a process that culminated in the formation of two opposed political fields. The thesis continues with the study of a sedition led by subordinate military men on December 7th 1831. The analysis focuses on the learning of politics, the political culture and the strategies of soldiers and lower-ranking officers with a past of insubordination that included at least fifteen revolts since 1821. In this process, the soldiers were able to directly interfere in the path of provincial politics through armed mobilization. Next, the study emphasizes the impact of the Abdication of Emperor d. Pedro I in the politics of Mato Grosso. In that context, mobilizations with diverse motivations and social compositions evoked the right of resistance and benefited from a considerable politicization to achieve their goals, appropriating the ideas that inspired the Abdication. In Mato Grosso, this period was marked by conflicts involving the expulsion and demobilization of troops, as well as the organization of a new party, aligned to the central government and that was capable of, in a single year, conquer majorities in almost all of the elective institutions in the province, ending the long-standing control of a small group of men over the local institutional politics. Finally, the investigation analyses the massacre occurred in the Rusga. The suspension of the rule of law in the province, as well the motivations, ideas and strategies of the persecutors of the Portuguese-born, primarily in the city of Cuiabá and, later, in the countryside, are the focus of this last session

By employing the critical studies of adolescence from Nancy Lesko, Roberta Trites, and Maria Nikolajeva and the study of positive and negative symbols of rebellion examined by Robert Lindner through Leerom Medovoi, I will interrogate the popular notion that female protagonists in dystopian Young Adult Literature (YAL) are strong, self-aware rebels who are positive role models to YA readers. Using the didactic nature of dystopian literature, I will examine how adult authors consciously (or unconsciously) set ideological standards for their YA readers through the female protagonists and how these standards are not as empowering as they initially seem. To address this disparity between what is promoted as rebellion and what is actually enacted by female protagonists, I will analyze Suzanne Collins' The Hunger Games trilogy and Ally Condie's Matched trilogy. The analysis will conclude that the female protagonists are problematic, subscribing to specific, conservative ideologies presented in the novels which prohibits them from seeing through the rebellion they are involved in and that their choices are determined by male characters instead of their own self-awareness.