This study explored the perceptions of beneficiaries of the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) with regard to the role that RDP houses play socially, psychologically, and physically in the lives of occupants after moving from an informal settlement into RDP houses. Given that the said housing programme targets disadvantaged people, it was important to understand their own perceptions of these houses. The study also explored the perceptions of government officials in regard to their experiences relating to RDP houses. A case study approach was adopted and Bronfenbrenner‟s ecological theory of human development was used as the theoretical framework to guide this study. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with two groups of participants. First, Group A comprised three RDP participants who lived in an informal settlement before relocation to their RDP houses. Second, Group B comprised three participants from the national, provincial and local offices of the governmental human settlements departments respectively. Data were analysed and four main themes as well as the subthemes emerged from the analysis. The four main themes are the bolstered sense of psychological well-being; access to basic services, amenities, and benefits of an improved infrastructure; pride of ownership; and ownership as a form of personal economic development or empowerment. Findings suggested that the participants reflected expressions of joy, a sense of permanence, a feeling of being home, hope for the future, and an absence of worry. These meanings and interpretation of home ownership reflect how the participants identify with their RDP houses and how pleased they are to own a house. Basic services enhance their overall quality of life in relation to their psychological, physical and social well-being. Interestingly, access to socio-economic services and amenities such as connected water and electricity inside The Experience of Moving from an Informal Settlement to a Secure Stable Home 4 the houses, the availability of schools and clinics, transport services, and a habitable environment, were found to play an important role in the lives of the participants. However, factors which hamper the success of RDP housing and compound the hopelessness of living in an informal settlement as well as the problems that RDP home owners encounter, which restrain their pride of ownership are: ambivalence over restrictions or limitations imposed by building regulations, the size of the houses, the poor quality construction, and envy at improvements made to subsequent RDP houses. In conclusion, the findings add to a greater theoretical understanding of the factors contributing to human development and the factors that impede the effectiveness of the housing programme. These factors draw attention to a number of important issues regarding RDP housing, which may assist housing practitioners, and in particular, policy developers, in developing policy that may be more useful in meeting the needs of the people. This could enhance the existing housing programme as well as alert the housing practitioners to existing shortcomings and offer them the opportunity to become acquainted therewith. These factors that impede RDP ownership suggest a need for the government and other relevant stakeholders to engage in the issues that prevent the successful implementation of the housing programme thereby maximising the effectiveness of the housing programme, primarily in order to strive to improve the lives of previously disadvantaged people. / Social Work / MA SS (Psychology)

The inauguration of the Government of National Unity created the necessary conditions for us to start the challenging task of changing South African society for the better. This is what we had set ourselves to do during the years of struggle to rid our country of apartheid. Now South Africans can, under conditions of freedom, work together to make our country the land of our dreams. This means further enhancing the freedoms we now enjoy; improving the security of citizens at home, in the streets and at work; and raising the quality of life of all the people. Reconstruction and development means all these things: to change all aspects of our lives for the better. Among the urgent tasks the government has set itself is to work together with all citizens to improve the provision of education, health services, housing, water supply, land, electricity, refuse removal, roads and so on. This demands of government that we change the manner in which public funds have all along been used. Everything should be done to create conditions in which the economy can improve and provide more jobs. To realise all these objectives requires co-operation among us as hard-working and responsible citizens. Immediately the Government of National Unity was installed, we started the planning required to meet these goals. At the same time, we also launched Presidential Lead Projects aimed at improving the lives of especially the poor, women and children. But this was just the beginning. For, in the end, we should change the allocation of all public funds towards the new priorities. Government should involve the people more actively at all stages of reconstruction and development. We should operate in an open manner guided by the wisdom of the people themselves. From the projects started last year, many of these ideals have started to take shape. But we continue to learn many lessons. This booklet outlines the concrete steps that have been taken thus far, in the long journey towards a better life for all. As this account shows, this task is not an easy one. But, working together, in the spirit of Masakhane, South Africans are more than capable of realising the good things that our beautiful country can offer.

This study analyses the Growth Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) strategy with respect to social development, and adult basic education and training (ABET). Since its adoption as official economic policy, replacing the RDP policy in June 1996, the GEAR strategy has been a subject of much debate, and blamed for all social and economic ills, including job losses and high unemployment, poverty, problems in the education, health and welfare system, as well as poor delivery of social services. Motivated by these debates, the author set out to investigate how GEAR provides / does not provide for social development and ABET, both areas of interest to the author. This study investigates this question based only on a review of literature. While the GEAR strategy makes policy proposals in various aspects of the economy, and sets an economic growth target of 6% per annum by the year 2000, and the creation of 400 000 jobs per annum during the same period (all of which were not met), evidence shows no policy provisions in the GEAR strategy with respect to social development, and ABET. In fact, ABET is not mentioned at all in the GEAR strategy. However, the GEAR strategy makes specific mention of the Human Resources Development Strategy, as a vehicle for addressing education and training problems, thereby improving the skills base of the country. The Human Resources Development Strategy and the National Skills Development Strategy sponsored by the DoE and DoL respectively, all seem to be sound policies. There is however growing evidence that South Africa has developed sound policies which it fails to implement because of lack of capacity and financial resources partly due to the government's acceptance of the neoliberal agenda. This appears to be particularly true with respect to social development and ABET targets in the Human Resources Development and the National Skills Development strategies. This study concludes that the GEAR strategy is based on neoliberal assumptions of stimulating foreign investment, export-led economic growth, global trade and global competition, underpinned by the conception that the state must play a minimal role in the economy and is therefore not appropriate for the social development challenges (especially illiteracy) facing South Africa. If progress is to be made in addressing these challenges in South Africa, an alternative to the GEAR strategy must be found . / Thesis (M.Ed.) - University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2002.

This study explored the perceptions of beneficiaries of the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) with regard to the role that RDP houses play socially, psychologically, and physically in the lives of occupants after moving from an informal settlement into RDP houses. Given that the said housing programme targets disadvantaged people, it was important to understand their own perceptions of these houses. The study also explored the perceptions of government officials in regard to their experiences relating to RDP houses. A case study approach was adopted and Bronfenbrenner‟s ecological theory of human development was used as the theoretical framework to guide this study. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with two groups of participants. First, Group A comprised three RDP participants who lived in an informal settlement before relocation to their RDP houses. Second, Group B comprised three participants from the national, provincial and local offices of the governmental human settlements departments respectively. Data were analysed and four main themes as well as the subthemes emerged from the analysis. The four main themes are the bolstered sense of psychological well-being; access to basic services, amenities, and benefits of an improved infrastructure; pride of ownership; and ownership as a form of personal economic development or empowerment. Findings suggested that the participants reflected expressions of joy, a sense of permanence, a feeling of being home, hope for the future, and an absence of worry. These meanings and interpretation of home ownership reflect how the participants identify with their RDP houses and how pleased they are to own a house. Basic services enhance their overall quality of life in relation to their psychological, physical and social well-being. Interestingly, access to socio-economic services and amenities such as connected water and electricity inside The Experience of Moving from an Informal Settlement to a Secure Stable Home 4 the houses, the availability of schools and clinics, transport services, and a habitable environment, were found to play an important role in the lives of the participants. However, factors which hamper the success of RDP housing and compound the hopelessness of living in an informal settlement as well as the problems that RDP home owners encounter, which restrain their pride of ownership are: ambivalence over restrictions or limitations imposed by building regulations, the size of the houses, the poor quality construction, and envy at improvements made to subsequent RDP houses. In conclusion, the findings add to a greater theoretical understanding of the factors contributing to human development and the factors that impede the effectiveness of the housing programme. These factors draw attention to a number of important issues regarding RDP housing, which may assist housing practitioners, and in particular, policy developers, in developing policy that may be more useful in meeting the needs of the people. This could enhance the existing housing programme as well as alert the housing practitioners to existing shortcomings and offer them the opportunity to become acquainted therewith. These factors that impede RDP ownership suggest a need for the government and other relevant stakeholders to engage in the issues that prevent the successful implementation of the housing programme thereby maximising the effectiveness of the housing programme, primarily in order to strive to improve the lives of previously disadvantaged people. / Social Work / MA SS (Psychology)

My Government’s commitment to create a people-centred society of liberty binds us to the pursuit of the goals of freedom from want, freedom from hunger, freedom from deprivation, freedom from ignorance, freedom from suppression and freedom from fear. These freedoms are fundamental to the guarantee of human dignity. They will therefore constitute part of the centrepiece of what this Government will seek to achieve, the focal point on which our attention will be continuously focused. The things we have said constitute the true meaning, the justification and the purpose of the Reconstruction and Development Programme, without which it would lose all legitimacy.

This study attempts to present a comparative analysis of the implication of the IMF in Zambia and South Africa in its Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP). In examining the IMF programme, the study focuses on the Fund's understanding of such economies and its prescriptions for development. It is argued that IMF's familiar orthodoxy will have disastrous consequences for South Africa's poor, disadvantaged and rural communities. Finally, the IMF's market-oriented policy prescriptions are likely to erode democracy and have devastating effects to people-centred development programmes such as the RDP.

M.A. / The complexity and nature of South Africa's socio-economic problems have stirred the need for an innovative approach and strategy towards development. The African National Congress's Reconstruction and Development ProgramMe (RDP) has therefore been adopted by the Government of National Unity in 1994 to redress injustices and imbalances in our society, many of which have been created by apartheid. The past saw the formation of 'homelands' and the subsequent establishment of development corporations which were meant to drive 'development' in these areas. The new democratic dispensation therefore calls for these institutions to appreciate the shifts in development thinking, thus aligning themselves with the RDP. This study therefore looks at the role which the development corporations can play in the implementation of the RDP. This however, does not suggest that they are the only institutions able to do so, but that their transformation could result in them making a positive contribution to this Programme. Specific reference to the Northern Province, being comprised of three former homelands, is made in the study. Much emphasis is placed upon how the provincial development corporation (established through the merging of the three former corporations), can apply the principles of the RDP, as well as contribute towards the implementation of its key programmes. Strategies and approaches are proposed in this regard.

Magister Artium (Social Work) - MA(SW) / The time period of this study is the contemporary first half of the Nineties, a momentous time in the history of South Africa. The country is passing from apartheid (the "old" South Africa) to the hope of democracy (the "new" South Africa). Nelson Mandela was inaugurated as President of South Africa in May 1994. Social workers, too, find themselves in transition. What is the thinking of experienced progressive social workers at this historical moment, concerning themselves and their profession within its context of social welfare as societal institution? This is the question I explore, specifically with reference to senior social workers within the area of greater Cape Town It is important to note that in terms of the research philosophy underlying this enquiry, the methodological process of the thesis is integral to its substance. My approach, along "New Paradigm" lines, is descriptive dialogical. Implicit in it is a "confrontation of the positivistic epistemology of 'The Scientific Method' in the misguided sense of an 'absolute and only' method of science, which unfortunately is still prevalent in standard practices of enquiry inside and outside the university" (see Note [i] at the end of this Summary). My thesis therefore offers not only outcomes but, as much as possible, also the process of the enquiry. A descriptive-dialogical approach also takes the idea of narrative seriously, "narrative being a mode that makes room for in fact, that insists on more than merely written presentation" (see Note [ii] at the end of this Summary). My research philosophy and methodology accommodate as far as possible "the whole academic and professional potential of a student, rather than just the student's writing potential" (see Note [iii] at the end of this Summary). In line with this, I submit as an accompaniment to this writing -- and as holistically intrinsic to this thesis -- a relevant video-recording and audio recordings illustrating myself at work in the execution of this study. In conclusion of this Summary I must indicate my promoter's and my own serious commitment to the possibility of creative indigenousness of academic style and presentation. This must be viewed within African and South African context, and it explains much of the "humanistically holistic" tenor of this study. This, of course, is in no way intended to discount the worthwhileness and substantiality, in fact the necessity for us, of recourse to the best tenets of European and Euro-American university tradition.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study has set to describe and explain the causal relationship between the process of globalisation, and that of democratisation and development in South Africa. Understanding this process required an analysis of the political and economic patterns followed, and policy choices made by state elites in South Africa, and to compare these processes with other countries that are also integrating into the global political economy. In South Africa, the dominance of the external factor on the country's socio-economic and development policy making process is exposed in this study. Analysis of the progress of South Africa's macro-economic policy (GEAR) in creating sustainable economic growth, and in linking it with the locally defined notion of 'people-based development' (as per RDP document, 1994) over a five-year period reveals firstly, that while GEAR is portrayed as both an economic and a 'people-based development' policy, it is an externally oriented policy whose ends are largely the promotion of transnational capitalist interest. The contradiction is that while a redress of development discrepancies (i.e. by providing social-welfare, health, education, clean water, electricity, transport and housing) calls for an increase in government expenditure, GEAR's fiscal stance prohibits such spending. South Africa's development policy represents a much broader and a common problem in the global socio-economic superstructure, solutions for which cannot be derived by analysing the policy of only one country, but the whole transnational political-economic system. The problems of the current global political-economic order and its development programs remains naked for all to see. Even common sense indicates that the North-South power relations are one-sided, problematic and should not be allowed to continue indefinitely as they stand. In addition, that the underdeveloped countries should continue to play an active role in global structures such as the UN, the UNOs such as UNCTAD, the WTO, and other international institutions if they are to impact on policies that govern the North-South relations. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie is om die verhouding tussen die proses van die ontplooiing van globalisasie, demokratisering, neo-liberalisme en sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling in Suid- Afrika, te beskryf en te verduidelik. Om hierdie verhouding te kan verstaan is 'n analise van die politiese en ekonomiese patrone wat gevolg word en beleidskeuses wat deur staatselites gemaak word, van hierdie nuwe demokratiese staat, nodig. Die oorheersing van eksterne faktore oor die Suid-Afrikaanse beleidsmaking ten opsigte van sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkelings het in die studie na vore getree. 'n Analise van die vordering van die Suid-Afrikaanse makro-ekonomiese beleid (GEAR), in die skepping van behoudbare ekonomiese groei en die skakeling daarvan met die plaaslike nosie (RDP dokument, 1994) van "mens-gebasseerde" ontwikkeling oor 'n periode van vyf jaar, het geopenbaar dat GEAR, wat voorgestel is as 'n ekonomiese en sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkelingsbeleid, terselfdetyd 'n eksterne georienteerde beleid is wat transnationale kapitalistiese belange promotiseer. Daar bestaan kontroduksie tussen die oogmerke van GEAR. Eerstens beoog GEAR die vernouing van die ontwikkelingsgaping in Suid-Afrika (deur die voorsienig van maatskaplike dienste, gesonheidsdienste, opvoeding, skoon water, elektrisiteit, vervoer en behuising) iets wat 'n verhoging van staatsuitgawes tot gevolg sal hê, terwyl GEAR se beleid sulke verhoogde uitgawes aan bande lê. Dit is voor die handliggend dat die Noord-Suid magsverhouding eensydig is, en problematies is vir ontwikkeling en moet dus nie toegelaat word om voortgesit te word nie. Verder moet onderontwikkelende lande voortdurend 'n aktiewe rol speel in globale strukture soos die UNCTAD, die WHO, die VN en ander internasionale institusies as hulle enigsins 'n impak op die beleid wat die Noord-Suid verhoudinge beheer, wil maak.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Following FW De Klerk's decision on the 2nd of February 1990 to unban black liberation movements, release of Mandela from prison and the uplifting of the state of emergence, a process of irreversible change was set in motion in South Africa. This process of change was captured in the four-year dramatic series of negotiations sometimes referred to as 'talks about talks' and the real negotiations at Kempton Park, which ensued immediately after De Klerk's ground-breaking speech in 1990. The negotiations ultimately resulted in the i~interim constitution of 1993 which served as the basis for the 1994 elections. The election in turn ushered South Africa into a new epoch of an electoral democracy characterised by most of the ingredients of a normal democracy. The new born "electoral democracy" met the seven conditional institutions/ principles for a polyarchy as prescribed by . Robert Dahl, namely universal suffrage; free and fair elections; right to run public office; freedom of expression; right to access information; freedom to form organizations of great variety and responsiveness of the government to voters and election outcomes. But the key question relates to its consolidation - is it consolidating? Responding to this question is the gist of this not-so comprehensive comparative thesis, whose particular focus is the presidency in the new South Africa - both of Mandela and Mbeki. This is done through the help of the both institutional as well as socio-economic approaches to democracy. That is, 'without appropriate state institutions, democracy is not possible' (Linz and Stepan .1996.p14) and without favourable socio-economic conditions, democratic institutions are unlikely to endure and consolidate. The institutional analysis puts under spotlight the presidency and decision-making trends, specifically the National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac) for the Mandela's presidential era and the Policy Co-ordination Advisory Services (PCAS) Unit for the Mbeki's. On socio-economics it looks at how Mandela and Mbeki dealt with the inequality problem issue. This study will not deal with issues such as ethnic heterogeneity or class issues in relation to consolidation of democracy, except insofar as they illustrate something about policies on inequalities. It eventually assesses the implications for the consolidation of democracy in the new South Africa by contrasting Mandela and Mbeki's approaches to the economy i.e. Mandela's ROP and Nedlac and Mbeki's GEAR and International Investment Council. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: 'n Proses van onomkeerbare verandering in Suid-Afrika is in werking gestel met FW de Klerk se besluit op 2 Februarie 1990 om die bevrydingsbewegings te ontban, Mandela en ander politieke gevangenis vry te laat en die noodtoestand op te hef. Dié proses van verandering het op 'n vier jaarlange onderhandelingsproses uitgeloop wat aanvanklik getipeer was as "gesprekke oor gesprekke" en daarna die ware onderhandelings wat by Kemptonpark plaasgevind het. Hierdie onderhandelings het gelei tot die formulering van die interim grondwet van 1993 wat die basis gevorm het vir die eerste inklusiewe verkiesing in Suid-Afrika in 1994. Hierdie verkiesing het Suid-Afrika op die pad van 'n elektorale demokrasie geplaas wat die vereiste vir alle normale demokrasieë is. Hierdie elektorale stelsel in Suid-Afrika voldoen aan al Robert Dahl se sewe vereistes vir 'n poliargie, te wete algemene stemreg, vrye en regverdige verkiesings, die reg om aan openbare instellings deel te neem, die vryheid van spraak, die reg tot inligting, die vryheid om organisasies te vorm wat betrekking het op die verkiesingsproses. AI hierdie vereistes is noodsaaklik, maar nie noodwendig voldoende om 'n demokrasie te konsolideer nie. Die vraag is dus of Suid-Afrika konsolideer. Om hierdie vraag te beantwoord vereis 'n omvattende ondersoek. Hierdie tesis is egter meer beskeie en sal slegs konsentreer op die rol van die presidentskap in Suid-Afrika - Mandela en Mbeki, en te bepaal of die style wat hulle gevolg het en die beleide wat hulle toegepas het konsolidasie in die hand werk of nie. Daar sal gekyk word na die institusionele aspekte van die presidentskap se besluitnemingstrukture asook na enkele sosio-ekonomiese aspekte wat relevant vir demokratisering is. Die aanname in hierdie tesis was "without appropriate state institutions, democracy is not possible" (Linz & Stepan. 1996), maar sonder gunstige ekonomiese toestande (Przeworski en andere 1996), is die kanse dat 'n demokrasie volhoubaar is gering. Die instellings wat beskryf en ontleed word wat op die president se besluitnemingstyle dui is die National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac) wat Mandela betref en die Policy Coordination Advisory Services (PCAS) wat Mbeki betref. Die sosio-ekonomiese aspekte wat ondersoek is handel in beide gevalle met hoe hierdie presidente die ongelykheids-problematiek in Suid-Afrika aangespreek het wat ook op nasiebou betrekking het. Hierdie studie sluit kwessies soos etniese heterogeniteit en die klassedebat uit, behalwe in soverre dit betrekking het op besluitneming en die hantering van ongelykheid. Die implikasies vir konsolidasie word uitgespel.